***I just realized that some of my blogs are mislabeled! I actually have them all here, they are just labeled with incorrect week numbers sometimes.
Chapter 1: Taking Account of Aboriginal Feminism by Joyce Green (p. 20-32)
Summary:
This is an introductory chapter that discusses Aboriginal feminism. Green states: “Aboriginal feminists raise issues of colonialism, racism and sexism, and the unpleasant synergy between these three violations of human rights” (p. 20). There is a gap in the literature of Aboriginal feminism which further shows the invisibility of these women and that these women should be viewed as: “Aboriginal and female, and as contemporary persons living in the context of colonial oppression (p. 21). Another focus of Aboriginal feminism is liberation of women and particularly marginalized women and also considers the link between feminism and colonialism. Additionally, Green states that feminism is “about building bridges to other movements working for social justice” (p. 23). An issue within Aboriginal feminism is that these women are often critiqued and their authenticity is challenged. Sometimes they are accused of being “tools of colonial ideology or for being traitors to their communities” (p. 25). In this chapter Green also considers the role of tradition. For Aboriginal women, tradition means the practices that were present before colonialism and colonial practices. This type of feminism also examines oppressive traditions to women. Another problem is that “too many Aboriginal women have been silenced or had their social and political roles minimized by invocations of appropriate tradition relative to women’s voices and choices” (p. 27). Therefore, it is necessary to reject colonial institutions and imposed ideas of tradition. In conclusion, the author highlights the main issues within Aboriginal feminism: imperialism, colonialism, racism, sexism, and “power abuses within Aboriginal communities, organizations and families” (p. 30).
Reaction:
I thought that this serves as a good basis of definition before the book continues. I think that the issues were clearly presented and that pertinent examples were provided. I’m really interested to keep reading and discuss other issues brought up in this book.
Chapter 7: Practicing Indigenous Feminism: Resistance to Imperialism by Makere Stewart-Harawira (p. 124-139)
Summary:
The author of this chapter seeks to define her own view of Indigenous feminism. She also notes that in this text she prefers to use Indigenous versus Aboriginal in her treatment of the subject. She also explains how her background has come to influence her opinions. She is of Maori and Scottish descent. Her thesis has two parts: “first…Indigenous women have a vital role to play in the realization of alternative models of ‘being in the world’ and, second, that this represents a particularly poignant paradox” (p. 125). In her first subsection, “Writing as Politics” she explains how she and other Maori women use writing to “engage the dilemma of as whom do we write, and for whom?” (p. 126). The next section is titled: “Imperialist terrorism in our time.” Here the author discusses globalization and power within the world economy. In her text she sites Samir Amin who said: “capitalism has always been...by nature, a polarizing system…the concurrent construction of dominant centers and dominated peripheries and their reproduction deepening in each stage” (p. 130). The author also provides several examples of “imperial terrorism” inflicted by the U.S. against non-democratic nations on page 131. The final section is titled “Capitalism, Domination and the Subjugation of the Feminine.” Here she discusses the spread of capitalism and Christianity and the diminishing rights of Indigenous women. She also discusses male-centered societies and their focus on creating technology for the purpose of domination. Finally, the author concludes with the following statement:
Indigenous women who are in positions of privilege are called upon to vigorously refute capitalism’s excesses and greed; to refuse the dominator politics of power-over; to refuse to give up our sons and daughters, our children and grandchildren to the warmongering that is no called democracy; to reject the greed that is now called freedom; and to stand firmly in the intersection of the politics of local and global. It is from that intersection that we must decolonize the local and transform the global. As indigenous women warriors, we are called to re-weave the fabric of being in the world into a new spiritually grounded and feminine-oriented political framework and process of ‘being together in the world.’ In that process we are invited to deeply embrace the Other, who is after all, the Elders teach us, Ourself. This, I argue, is the urgent decolonizing project of Indigenous feminism today. (p. 136)
Saturday, December 5, 2009
Friday, November 27, 2009
Week 14: The Global Political Economy of Sex: “Chapter 5: National Desires for Security”
Summary:
This chapter begins with an introduction that explains what practices are linked to an economic state’s desire for “security” and the basis for this article. There are four practices total. First, immigration based on “imperial geography” where people move based on where they can find a job. This also adds to the economic power of the country that they migrate to. Second, the economic state eroticizes sex industries (hereafter, desire industries) and then blames those (usually foreigners) that participate in these industries. The state then blames these individuals for contributing to “social anxieties and insecurities.” Third, the economic states makes it known that they are doing their job by controlling “borders, and counting, documenting, and disciplining migrant labor.” Fourth, the economic state renders the following global/powerful actors invisible: states, class, and international institutions (p. 123).
The first subsection is titled “Traversing an Imperial Geography: Concealing Capital Accumulation and Exploitation.” This section focuses on the migration of women to stronger economies in search of labor. However, many of these women become forced into the desire industry in order to survive. Agathangelou explains: “the organization of the desire industries and the trafficking trade…draws upon understandings and practices of slavery, recolonization, exploitation, and racism in its everyday constitution and reproduction” (p. 124). Next, the author provides an example of the “Natasha trade” (Russian women that are involved in the desire industry or trafficking trade that move to Turkey and marry) as a threat to national security in Turkey. Basically, the Turkish government sees these women as a security threat because so many are migrating and marrying that they will have an effect on their human resources. Next, “The state officials, who have been involved in the Natasha activities and who are in important positions, may leak extremely important information regarding the general security of the state, to these women” (p. 126). However, this type of analysis completely ignores class struggles, potential illegal links between the government and the desire industry, and also infantilizes men as being used by their wives. In this chapter, the author also provides firsthand accounts from women involved in the desire industry. Overall, their lack of economic mobility, their fear for their lives, and the abusive power of the police (that do nothing to protect these women, but instead take advantage of them) are highlighted in these accounts. Finally, Agathangelou concludes this section by stating: “The state and its agents whose interest in securing openness for capital to move and exploit cheap labor make the female migrant the ‘object of eroticization’ or just an ‘object’…while all the time attributing a threat to difference” (p. 134-135).
Next, “Security and Class Relations: The Racialization of the Female Migrant Force and Securitization of ‘Freedom,’” focuses on laws, and political and social structures that are put in place that actually promote the desire industry. This also creates problems in terms of feeling secure within a nation. The author states: “When locals face the migrant women, deeply entrenched racist behaviors and assumptions come to the surface. They complicate dichotomous relations between the secure and the nonsecure on different levels: structural, institutional, and personal” (p. 137-138). Globalization makes migration more possible and these people in turn become a threat to national identity and create insecurities within the nation in question.
The author continues her discussion in the following subsection titled, “Glossing Over Transnational Inequalities/Insecurities.” This section concerns Europe and migration effects on the desire industry. Agathangelou states: “In effect, migration flows present a challenge to states wishing, on the one hand, to keep intact a traditional control of territory, and on the other, to exploit a cheap and flexible supply of labor” (p. 140). Race is also becoming more important in the desire industry due to commonly held notions of racism and stereotypes. However, this puts women in competition with one another and creates unequal class relations within the industry. The distribution of these women based on race and quality of client and location is represented in Table 5.2 on page 144 in the text. In this text, Kollontai also expresses the link between the bourgeois culture and the desire industry: “The hypocritical morality of bourgeois society encourages prostitution by the structure of its exploitative economy, while at the same time mercilessly heaping contempt upon any girl or woman who is forced to take this path” (p. 145). The author also explains the link between the underground desire industry and threats to national security. These European nations see these immigrants as criminal that threaten the national identity and normal (non-black) markets.
Finally, the author offers us the final subsection: “By way of conclusion.” Generally, states address fears of globalization by starting with migration policies that end up “justifying the ‘national’ identity it has achieved through a territorialization” (p. 151). The state usually links national identity threats to migration “to privilege” and deflect “attention from an underlying political economy of exploitation and violence” (p. 152).
Reaction:
I found this chapter very enlightening in considering contemporary Europe. Especially with the case of Turkey, it is interesting to think about what nations are incorporated into Europe and what their practices are based on. I also enjoyed the author’s link between the economy and the desire industry and how the two are related. The chapter initially seemed very dense, but the subsections and organization of the chapter revealed several key ideas in current globalization and migration issues.
This chapter begins with an introduction that explains what practices are linked to an economic state’s desire for “security” and the basis for this article. There are four practices total. First, immigration based on “imperial geography” where people move based on where they can find a job. This also adds to the economic power of the country that they migrate to. Second, the economic state eroticizes sex industries (hereafter, desire industries) and then blames those (usually foreigners) that participate in these industries. The state then blames these individuals for contributing to “social anxieties and insecurities.” Third, the economic states makes it known that they are doing their job by controlling “borders, and counting, documenting, and disciplining migrant labor.” Fourth, the economic state renders the following global/powerful actors invisible: states, class, and international institutions (p. 123).
The first subsection is titled “Traversing an Imperial Geography: Concealing Capital Accumulation and Exploitation.” This section focuses on the migration of women to stronger economies in search of labor. However, many of these women become forced into the desire industry in order to survive. Agathangelou explains: “the organization of the desire industries and the trafficking trade…draws upon understandings and practices of slavery, recolonization, exploitation, and racism in its everyday constitution and reproduction” (p. 124). Next, the author provides an example of the “Natasha trade” (Russian women that are involved in the desire industry or trafficking trade that move to Turkey and marry) as a threat to national security in Turkey. Basically, the Turkish government sees these women as a security threat because so many are migrating and marrying that they will have an effect on their human resources. Next, “The state officials, who have been involved in the Natasha activities and who are in important positions, may leak extremely important information regarding the general security of the state, to these women” (p. 126). However, this type of analysis completely ignores class struggles, potential illegal links between the government and the desire industry, and also infantilizes men as being used by their wives. In this chapter, the author also provides firsthand accounts from women involved in the desire industry. Overall, their lack of economic mobility, their fear for their lives, and the abusive power of the police (that do nothing to protect these women, but instead take advantage of them) are highlighted in these accounts. Finally, Agathangelou concludes this section by stating: “The state and its agents whose interest in securing openness for capital to move and exploit cheap labor make the female migrant the ‘object of eroticization’ or just an ‘object’…while all the time attributing a threat to difference” (p. 134-135).
Next, “Security and Class Relations: The Racialization of the Female Migrant Force and Securitization of ‘Freedom,’” focuses on laws, and political and social structures that are put in place that actually promote the desire industry. This also creates problems in terms of feeling secure within a nation. The author states: “When locals face the migrant women, deeply entrenched racist behaviors and assumptions come to the surface. They complicate dichotomous relations between the secure and the nonsecure on different levels: structural, institutional, and personal” (p. 137-138). Globalization makes migration more possible and these people in turn become a threat to national identity and create insecurities within the nation in question.
The author continues her discussion in the following subsection titled, “Glossing Over Transnational Inequalities/Insecurities.” This section concerns Europe and migration effects on the desire industry. Agathangelou states: “In effect, migration flows present a challenge to states wishing, on the one hand, to keep intact a traditional control of territory, and on the other, to exploit a cheap and flexible supply of labor” (p. 140). Race is also becoming more important in the desire industry due to commonly held notions of racism and stereotypes. However, this puts women in competition with one another and creates unequal class relations within the industry. The distribution of these women based on race and quality of client and location is represented in Table 5.2 on page 144 in the text. In this text, Kollontai also expresses the link between the bourgeois culture and the desire industry: “The hypocritical morality of bourgeois society encourages prostitution by the structure of its exploitative economy, while at the same time mercilessly heaping contempt upon any girl or woman who is forced to take this path” (p. 145). The author also explains the link between the underground desire industry and threats to national security. These European nations see these immigrants as criminal that threaten the national identity and normal (non-black) markets.
Finally, the author offers us the final subsection: “By way of conclusion.” Generally, states address fears of globalization by starting with migration policies that end up “justifying the ‘national’ identity it has achieved through a territorialization” (p. 151). The state usually links national identity threats to migration “to privilege” and deflect “attention from an underlying political economy of exploitation and violence” (p. 152).
Reaction:
I found this chapter very enlightening in considering contemporary Europe. Especially with the case of Turkey, it is interesting to think about what nations are incorporated into Europe and what their practices are based on. I also enjoyed the author’s link between the economy and the desire industry and how the two are related. The chapter initially seemed very dense, but the subsections and organization of the chapter revealed several key ideas in current globalization and migration issues.
Sunday, November 22, 2009
Sister Outsider by Audre Lorde
I found this book to be incredibly interesting and eye opening. She presents her unique perspective in a very touching way. My favorite chapter was “Eye to Eye”: Black Women, Hatred, and Anger.” It was really thoughtfully written to present the concept of identity and solidarity (or lack thereof) amongst Black women. This chapter seemed to be written in a different style. She began by presenting the facts and then providing illustrative examples from her own life to frame these facts. As the chapter continued, her writing style became much less calculated and more fluid to represent the strong emotions that she felt. I also liked how she treated the topic of her anger and the idea of suffering to explain how she felt. She is clearly a very strong and intelligent woman and I felt like her writing really speaks to her readers. Lorde seems to be reaching out and allowing us to experience another unique perspective. I also liked her representation of society and motherhood given from her perspective.
Monday, November 2, 2009
Week 11: Dangerous Liaisons
Chapter 17: “On the Threshold of Women’s Era”: Lynching, Empire, and Sexuality in Black Feminist Theory by Hazel V. Carby (p. 330-343)
Summary:
Carby states that the purpose of this essay is to address the ways that African-American women intellectuals explain “patriarchal power through its manipulation of racialized and gendered social categories and practices” (p. 330). The author feels that the focus feminism is on a very small percentage of women (white, middle-class) and that non-white women are often ignored in their writing. Therefore, feminism promotes a “racist hierarchy” (p. 331).
In 1896, the National Association of Colored Women (NACW) was created and gave black women the first opportunity to discuss their rights and fight against their oppression. Many novels were published during this time period by African-American women with the purpose of “resisting and defeating oppression” (p. 332). Next, Carby discusses the “theory of internal and external colonization developed in the works of Cooper and Wells” (p. 332). The focus of her essay, however, is internalized colonization. Here the white man is portrayed as a beast that consumes everything in front of it, while white women are unable to control this beast. Cooper proposed that white women should revolutionize their thoughts and actions in order to lead reforms.
Carby continues the discussion by introducing the South, lynching, and rape. Ida B. Wells saw lynching as a “practice of political and economic repression” (p. 334). Wells believed that her first anti-lynching organization was the start of the movement among African-American women in the U.S. She also argued that in 1/3 of lynching cases, the reason was due to rape. The idea of rape created fear and terror within communities. Wells contended that the African-American community to learn that rape was a form of economic power. Black men were also technically allowed to vote, but usually could not do so peacefully; therefore, this was another form of emasculation. Wells also explained that lynching “could manipulate sexual ideologies to justify political and economic subordination” (p. 336). Cooper continued along the same lines and explained that “white men used their ownership of the body of the white female as a terrain on which to lynch the black male” (p. 336). Cooper and Wells believed that white women were a part of the preservation of an oppressive system. According to the author, rape and lynching are the two best representations of internal colonization. Hopkins argued that rape “should be totally separated from the issue of violated white womanhood and then recast as part of the social, political, and economic oppression of blacks” (p. 340).
The author concludes this essay by stating that the previous analyses “firmly established the dialectical relation between economic/political power and economic/sexual power in the battle for control of women’s bodies” (p. 342). Lastly, she states that we should become aware of the complexities of sexuality, the differences, and finally, begin an era that can include all women.
Reaction:
I thought this was an excellent analysis of rape and lynching in this time period. I don’t think that I would have been able to make these connections by myself, but it is now very clear to me that rape was used as a means to control African-American males politically. It is very disturbing to think that women had to suffer and become implicated in this system in order to achieve oppression.
Chapter 18: Making Empire Respectable: The Politics of Race and Sexual Morality in Twentieth-Century Colonial Countries by Ann Laura Stoler (p. 344-373)
Summary:
This chapter is introduced by a brief explanation of women’s role, or lack thereof, in colonization. Stoler states a fundamental question: “In what ways were gender inequalities essential to the structure of colonial racism and imperial authority?” (p. 344). She intends to explain the interrelatedness of colonial authority, racial distinctions, and gender in this essay. Colonial authority was based on inclusion (of whites) and exclusion (of Others). There are two parts to this essay: 1) an examination of the “domestic arrangements of colonial communities and their wider political structures” and 2) an analysis of the “cultural hygiene” of colonialism (p. 347).
Sexual relations were controlled in colonial settlements and the immigration of European women was restricted. Therefore, concubinage was the most appealing option for colonizers living abroad. Concubinage was thought to stabilize the colonial situation by eliminating sexual diseases that men would acquire from brothels. Also, concubines were recommended because they could be helpfully in teaching local language and culture. Stoler provides the following definition of concubinage: “the cohabitation outside of marriage between European men and Asian women” and included “sexual access to a non-European women as well as demands on her labor and legal rights to the children she bore” (p. 348). Concubinage created a social hierarchy, but created métis children that were often rejected by both cultures.
Concubinage was eventually replaced by the acceptance of prostitution. Another important change in the makeup of colonial settlements was the implementation of more white European women. A new society seemed to be created to model the refinement and delicateness of Europe for white women’s benefit that “deserved” more. Stoler states that women are: “charged with dramatically reshaping the face of colonial society, imposing their racial will on African and Asian colonies where ‘an iron curtain of ignorance’ replaced ‘relatively unrestrained social intermingling’ in earlier years” (p. 352). She also states that white women are not solely to blame for this shift. During this change, it was believed that white women needed protection from “primitive” men of color. There were also very broad definitions of threat and danger, which left all colonized men at risk of being aggressors. Stoler continues: “While native men were legally punished for alleged sexual assaults, European women were frequently blamed for provoking those desires” (p. 354).
The next section is titled: “White Degeneracy, Motherhood, and the Eugenics of empire” (p. 355). Here Stoler explains: “The ‘colonial branch’ of eugenics embraced a theory and practice concerned with the vulnerabilities of white rule and new measures to safeguard European superiority” (p. 356). Stoler explained that in this way the colonizers and the colonized were subject to exclusion and regulation, both became Others in a way. Colonial medicine reflected the fear of degeneracy in many ways. For example, Neurasthenia was a “phantom disease,…the classic illness of the late 19th century” that was “intimately linked to sexual deviation and to the destruction of the social order itself” (p. 359).
Stoler continues by examining the dangers of métissage. Previous concubines were now seen as a threat because if they procreated with white Europeans, a new “race” was created called the métis. These children were seen as weak and were often rejected by their fathers as well as members of the native culture. Many of these children ended up in orphanages and were taught morals by European women. The role of European women in the household became: “leisure, good spirit, and creature comforts” (p. 363). Motherhood became an essential role for women in the imperial mission of France.
The chapter is concluded by Stoler stating: “I have tried to show that the categories of colonizer and colonized were secured through notions of racial difference constructed in gender terms” (p. 365). She also states that colonial politics were not limited to sex and that sex was about “sexual access and reproduction, class distinctions and racial privileges, nationalism and European identity” (p. 367).
Reaction:
I thought this chapter was really well written and clearly defined the role of sex within colonial settlements. I have studied French colonialism in Indochina and it was interesting to examine women’s roles in the colony with more depth.
Summary:
Carby states that the purpose of this essay is to address the ways that African-American women intellectuals explain “patriarchal power through its manipulation of racialized and gendered social categories and practices” (p. 330). The author feels that the focus feminism is on a very small percentage of women (white, middle-class) and that non-white women are often ignored in their writing. Therefore, feminism promotes a “racist hierarchy” (p. 331).
In 1896, the National Association of Colored Women (NACW) was created and gave black women the first opportunity to discuss their rights and fight against their oppression. Many novels were published during this time period by African-American women with the purpose of “resisting and defeating oppression” (p. 332). Next, Carby discusses the “theory of internal and external colonization developed in the works of Cooper and Wells” (p. 332). The focus of her essay, however, is internalized colonization. Here the white man is portrayed as a beast that consumes everything in front of it, while white women are unable to control this beast. Cooper proposed that white women should revolutionize their thoughts and actions in order to lead reforms.
Carby continues the discussion by introducing the South, lynching, and rape. Ida B. Wells saw lynching as a “practice of political and economic repression” (p. 334). Wells believed that her first anti-lynching organization was the start of the movement among African-American women in the U.S. She also argued that in 1/3 of lynching cases, the reason was due to rape. The idea of rape created fear and terror within communities. Wells contended that the African-American community to learn that rape was a form of economic power. Black men were also technically allowed to vote, but usually could not do so peacefully; therefore, this was another form of emasculation. Wells also explained that lynching “could manipulate sexual ideologies to justify political and economic subordination” (p. 336). Cooper continued along the same lines and explained that “white men used their ownership of the body of the white female as a terrain on which to lynch the black male” (p. 336). Cooper and Wells believed that white women were a part of the preservation of an oppressive system. According to the author, rape and lynching are the two best representations of internal colonization. Hopkins argued that rape “should be totally separated from the issue of violated white womanhood and then recast as part of the social, political, and economic oppression of blacks” (p. 340).
The author concludes this essay by stating that the previous analyses “firmly established the dialectical relation between economic/political power and economic/sexual power in the battle for control of women’s bodies” (p. 342). Lastly, she states that we should become aware of the complexities of sexuality, the differences, and finally, begin an era that can include all women.
Reaction:
I thought this was an excellent analysis of rape and lynching in this time period. I don’t think that I would have been able to make these connections by myself, but it is now very clear to me that rape was used as a means to control African-American males politically. It is very disturbing to think that women had to suffer and become implicated in this system in order to achieve oppression.
Chapter 18: Making Empire Respectable: The Politics of Race and Sexual Morality in Twentieth-Century Colonial Countries by Ann Laura Stoler (p. 344-373)
Summary:
This chapter is introduced by a brief explanation of women’s role, or lack thereof, in colonization. Stoler states a fundamental question: “In what ways were gender inequalities essential to the structure of colonial racism and imperial authority?” (p. 344). She intends to explain the interrelatedness of colonial authority, racial distinctions, and gender in this essay. Colonial authority was based on inclusion (of whites) and exclusion (of Others). There are two parts to this essay: 1) an examination of the “domestic arrangements of colonial communities and their wider political structures” and 2) an analysis of the “cultural hygiene” of colonialism (p. 347).
Sexual relations were controlled in colonial settlements and the immigration of European women was restricted. Therefore, concubinage was the most appealing option for colonizers living abroad. Concubinage was thought to stabilize the colonial situation by eliminating sexual diseases that men would acquire from brothels. Also, concubines were recommended because they could be helpfully in teaching local language and culture. Stoler provides the following definition of concubinage: “the cohabitation outside of marriage between European men and Asian women” and included “sexual access to a non-European women as well as demands on her labor and legal rights to the children she bore” (p. 348). Concubinage created a social hierarchy, but created métis children that were often rejected by both cultures.
Concubinage was eventually replaced by the acceptance of prostitution. Another important change in the makeup of colonial settlements was the implementation of more white European women. A new society seemed to be created to model the refinement and delicateness of Europe for white women’s benefit that “deserved” more. Stoler states that women are: “charged with dramatically reshaping the face of colonial society, imposing their racial will on African and Asian colonies where ‘an iron curtain of ignorance’ replaced ‘relatively unrestrained social intermingling’ in earlier years” (p. 352). She also states that white women are not solely to blame for this shift. During this change, it was believed that white women needed protection from “primitive” men of color. There were also very broad definitions of threat and danger, which left all colonized men at risk of being aggressors. Stoler continues: “While native men were legally punished for alleged sexual assaults, European women were frequently blamed for provoking those desires” (p. 354).
The next section is titled: “White Degeneracy, Motherhood, and the Eugenics of empire” (p. 355). Here Stoler explains: “The ‘colonial branch’ of eugenics embraced a theory and practice concerned with the vulnerabilities of white rule and new measures to safeguard European superiority” (p. 356). Stoler explained that in this way the colonizers and the colonized were subject to exclusion and regulation, both became Others in a way. Colonial medicine reflected the fear of degeneracy in many ways. For example, Neurasthenia was a “phantom disease,…the classic illness of the late 19th century” that was “intimately linked to sexual deviation and to the destruction of the social order itself” (p. 359).
Stoler continues by examining the dangers of métissage. Previous concubines were now seen as a threat because if they procreated with white Europeans, a new “race” was created called the métis. These children were seen as weak and were often rejected by their fathers as well as members of the native culture. Many of these children ended up in orphanages and were taught morals by European women. The role of European women in the household became: “leisure, good spirit, and creature comforts” (p. 363). Motherhood became an essential role for women in the imperial mission of France.
The chapter is concluded by Stoler stating: “I have tried to show that the categories of colonizer and colonized were secured through notions of racial difference constructed in gender terms” (p. 365). She also states that colonial politics were not limited to sex and that sex was about “sexual access and reproduction, class distinctions and racial privileges, nationalism and European identity” (p. 367).
Reaction:
I thought this chapter was really well written and clearly defined the role of sex within colonial settlements. I have studied French colonialism in Indochina and it was interesting to examine women’s roles in the colony with more depth.
Monday, October 26, 2009
Week 10: Dangerous Liaisons
Chapter 3: “Of Balkans and Banustans: Ethnic Cleansing and the Crisis in National Legitimation” by Rob Nixon
Summary:
This chapter is mainly concerned with comparing the ethnic cleansing of the Balkans (in the Serbia region of southeast Europe) and the Banustans (in southwest Africa, now Namibia). Nixon introduces this chapter by stating that ethnic nationalism and more new states have arisen in Europe and Eurasia since the end of WWII (“boundaries appear to be more elastic”) (p. 69). Imperial collapse has led to instability within nations, which has in turn led to the importance of ethnicities. Nixon states: “The project of ‘cleansing’ such places may be vindicated by the contention, among others, that ‘improving’ a community’s ethnic consistency requires short-term violence for ends of long-term peace” (p. 70-71).
As stated, the focus of this chapter is to compare and contrast the ethnic cleansing of the Balkans and the Banustans and I have chosen a few examples from the chapter to present. After the breakup of Yugoslavia ethnic cleansing occurred as part of the new order. In contrast, in South Africa ethnic cleansing was part of the old order, or traditional order. The suffering of these two groups is also compared. Banustans suffered: “collective expulsion; forced migration; the bulldozing, gutting or seizure of homes; the mandatory carrying of ‘passes’ detailing the holder’s putative ethnicity and movements; and the corralling into rural ghettos of people decreed to be ‘illegal squatters,’ ‘surplus,’ ‘idle,’ ‘alien’ or ‘unassimilable’” (p. 74). Nixon continues to explain that “ethnicity serves as an ethical leveler” (p. 76) and that “the distinction between a paradigm foregrounding physical features and one emphasizing cultural contingencies is by no means absolute” (p. 77). However, cultures generally present these differences as biological differences. Nixon also briefly discusses the role of women, they are given “symbolically crucial roles as reproducers of the nation and as upholders of its innermost values” (p. 77). On the other hand, this does not mean that they are given equal rights. He continues: “Mass rape is, among other things, organized insemination, men’s way of interfering with the lineage of the enemy” (p. 78).
In conclusion, Nixon offers an explanation of homogeneity for ethnic cleansing. He states that there are greater rewards for pursuing sameness and that it is enough of an incentive for violence.
Reaction:
I found this chapter to be a little bit dense in terms of information. I also did not find it clear why the author wanted to explain the differences between these two ethnic cleansings. I assumed that they were presented as different to present the loss of human life on both sides, but at the end of the article this was still unclear. I found some of the similarities to be more interesting and revealing than the dissimilarities. I preferred the next chapter in terms of presenting information and examples of post-colonial issues of “gender, race, and nationalism.”
Chapter 4: “‘No longer in a Future Heaven’: Gender, Race and Nationalism”
Summary:
McClintock begins this chapter by stating: “All nationalisms are gendered; all are invented; and all are dangerous” (p. 89). This statement basically sums up the entire chapter. She continues by explaining that national identity is gendered and males are given the power based on gender difference. Nira Yuval-Davis and Floya Anthias identified five ways that women have been implicated into nationalism: 1) as biological reproducers of the members of national collectivities 2) as reproducers of the boundaries of national groups (through restrictions on sexual or marital relations 3) as active transmitters and producers of the national culture 4) as symbolic signifiers of national difference and 5) as active participants in national struggles (p. 90).
McClintock explains that in the family model, it is accepted as natural that the man is the head of the household. It then proceeds “logically” that he would be the head of the nation and of national identity. Women are always implicated as being part of society, but subservient to men. The author also explains that history must be recorded in order to show improvement and progress within the society, and thus legitimize certain actions. “Women were seen not as inhabiting history proper but as existing, like colonized peoples, in a permanently anterior time within the modern nation” (p. 93). McClintock introduces Frantz Fanon as an important figure in demystifying gender in nationalism. Fanon questions the naturalness of nationalism, looks at the family model as a product of social power, and recognizes military power structures within the family (authority of father). Next, the author discusses the inventing of traditions to legitimize history and create a false sense of nationalism. She gives the example of the “Tweede Trek,” in Africa which was basically a spectacle that was created to draw attention and make people feel that they had a collective identity. This was adopted from a similar plan used by the Nazis. Here people traveled long distances in covered wagons from town to town and became known as national heroes. McClintock labeled this as a “collective fetish spectacle” (p. 102).
The last section is titled “Feminism and Nationalism.” Here McClintock makes concluding remarks about women’s rights in Africa. She addresses the title of this chapter; it is a quote by Fanon that states: “national transformation is ‘no longer in a future heaven’” (p. 110). Basically, McClintock is referring to the fact that even in revolutions feminism has never really been the focus and that no revolution leads to a perfect society.
Summary:
This chapter is mainly concerned with comparing the ethnic cleansing of the Balkans (in the Serbia region of southeast Europe) and the Banustans (in southwest Africa, now Namibia). Nixon introduces this chapter by stating that ethnic nationalism and more new states have arisen in Europe and Eurasia since the end of WWII (“boundaries appear to be more elastic”) (p. 69). Imperial collapse has led to instability within nations, which has in turn led to the importance of ethnicities. Nixon states: “The project of ‘cleansing’ such places may be vindicated by the contention, among others, that ‘improving’ a community’s ethnic consistency requires short-term violence for ends of long-term peace” (p. 70-71).
As stated, the focus of this chapter is to compare and contrast the ethnic cleansing of the Balkans and the Banustans and I have chosen a few examples from the chapter to present. After the breakup of Yugoslavia ethnic cleansing occurred as part of the new order. In contrast, in South Africa ethnic cleansing was part of the old order, or traditional order. The suffering of these two groups is also compared. Banustans suffered: “collective expulsion; forced migration; the bulldozing, gutting or seizure of homes; the mandatory carrying of ‘passes’ detailing the holder’s putative ethnicity and movements; and the corralling into rural ghettos of people decreed to be ‘illegal squatters,’ ‘surplus,’ ‘idle,’ ‘alien’ or ‘unassimilable’” (p. 74). Nixon continues to explain that “ethnicity serves as an ethical leveler” (p. 76) and that “the distinction between a paradigm foregrounding physical features and one emphasizing cultural contingencies is by no means absolute” (p. 77). However, cultures generally present these differences as biological differences. Nixon also briefly discusses the role of women, they are given “symbolically crucial roles as reproducers of the nation and as upholders of its innermost values” (p. 77). On the other hand, this does not mean that they are given equal rights. He continues: “Mass rape is, among other things, organized insemination, men’s way of interfering with the lineage of the enemy” (p. 78).
In conclusion, Nixon offers an explanation of homogeneity for ethnic cleansing. He states that there are greater rewards for pursuing sameness and that it is enough of an incentive for violence.
Reaction:
I found this chapter to be a little bit dense in terms of information. I also did not find it clear why the author wanted to explain the differences between these two ethnic cleansings. I assumed that they were presented as different to present the loss of human life on both sides, but at the end of the article this was still unclear. I found some of the similarities to be more interesting and revealing than the dissimilarities. I preferred the next chapter in terms of presenting information and examples of post-colonial issues of “gender, race, and nationalism.”
Chapter 4: “‘No longer in a Future Heaven’: Gender, Race and Nationalism”
Summary:
McClintock begins this chapter by stating: “All nationalisms are gendered; all are invented; and all are dangerous” (p. 89). This statement basically sums up the entire chapter. She continues by explaining that national identity is gendered and males are given the power based on gender difference. Nira Yuval-Davis and Floya Anthias identified five ways that women have been implicated into nationalism: 1) as biological reproducers of the members of national collectivities 2) as reproducers of the boundaries of national groups (through restrictions on sexual or marital relations 3) as active transmitters and producers of the national culture 4) as symbolic signifiers of national difference and 5) as active participants in national struggles (p. 90).
McClintock explains that in the family model, it is accepted as natural that the man is the head of the household. It then proceeds “logically” that he would be the head of the nation and of national identity. Women are always implicated as being part of society, but subservient to men. The author also explains that history must be recorded in order to show improvement and progress within the society, and thus legitimize certain actions. “Women were seen not as inhabiting history proper but as existing, like colonized peoples, in a permanently anterior time within the modern nation” (p. 93). McClintock introduces Frantz Fanon as an important figure in demystifying gender in nationalism. Fanon questions the naturalness of nationalism, looks at the family model as a product of social power, and recognizes military power structures within the family (authority of father). Next, the author discusses the inventing of traditions to legitimize history and create a false sense of nationalism. She gives the example of the “Tweede Trek,” in Africa which was basically a spectacle that was created to draw attention and make people feel that they had a collective identity. This was adopted from a similar plan used by the Nazis. Here people traveled long distances in covered wagons from town to town and became known as national heroes. McClintock labeled this as a “collective fetish spectacle” (p. 102).
The last section is titled “Feminism and Nationalism.” Here McClintock makes concluding remarks about women’s rights in Africa. She addresses the title of this chapter; it is a quote by Fanon that states: “national transformation is ‘no longer in a future heaven’” (p. 110). Basically, McClintock is referring to the fact that even in revolutions feminism has never really been the focus and that no revolution leads to a perfect society.
Monday, October 19, 2009
Week 9: Epistemology of the Closet: Chapter 2: Some Binarisms (I): Billy Budd: After the Homosexual (p. 91-130)
Summary:
This chapter is a deconstructive analysis of the novella Billy Budd written by Herman Melville, but not published until after his death in 1924. The story concerns Billy Budd, a sailor who was very charismatic and well-liked aboard the ship “Bellipotent.” However, although generally popular among the crew, one member named Claggart falsely accuses Budd of conspiring a mutiny against the ship’s captain Vere which leads to his death. This novella was also turned into a very popular opera by E.M. Forrester and Benjamin Britten.
Sedgwick introduces this chapter by explaining the purposes of this chapter and the following chapter concerning “binarisms”: 1) introduce and define binarisms 2) analyze Billy Budd and The Picture of Dorian Gray and 3) look at 1891 as an important moment in history here a modern homosexual identity and the issue of sexual orientation began.
The author introduces Billy Budd as the story of a homosexual, Claggart, who is presented as different from his fellow sailors and an opposition to Vere, who is portrayed as normal. Also, there is an overarching theme of homosexuality, it questions the “essential nature of men’s desire for men” (p. 94). Sedgwick continues by providing a deconstructive analysis of the text to explain how she has come to recognize Claggart as a homosexual. She explains the following binaries within the work: 1) knowledge/ignorance; natural/unnatural 2) urbane/provincial; innocence/initiation; man/boy 3) cognition/paranoia; secrecy/disclosure 4) discipline/terrorism 5) public/private 6) sincerity/sentimentality 7) health/illness and 8) wholeness/decadence; utopia/apocalypse.
This chapter basically provides a detailed analysis of Billy Budd and the author explains how all of these exist within the novella even though they are seemingly contradictory. For example, being depraved can be natural or unnatural. Claggart’s character is explained as being explained in two possible ways, he is “depraved because homosexual, or alternatively depraved because homophobic—is of course an odd problem” (p. 96). Another example from this chapter concerning knowledge explains that “knowledge of the world” is equated with “the ability to recognize same-sex desire” which is “also a form of vulnerability as much as it is of mastery (p. 100). The false accusation of mutiny by Claggart can also be seen as the cognition/paranoia binary in this way. An illustration of the public/private binary is seen in the presentation of the ship’s actual space. It is never clearly defined which space belongs to the public and what actions are official and unofficial on the part of the captain because of the lack of space definition. Although, Vere is portrayed as the normal counterbalance to Claggart, he also represents the health/illness binary. He represents: “competence and craziness, or discipline and desire” (p. 124). In the final section, wholeness/decadence; utopia/apocalypse, Sedgwick discusses “gay genocide” or omnicide. “The deadlock of the past century between minoritizing and universalizing understandings of homo/heterosexual definition can only have deepened this fatal bond in the heterosexist imaginaire” (p. 128). She also explains that AIDS has become a “tragedy confined to our generation” (p. 129). She ends the chapter by stating that in order to get rid of this minority/universal binary we must open it up by recognizing it and thoughtfully analyzing it.
Reaction:
This chapter was difficult to summarize because it was a detailed analysis of a novella that I was not previously familiar with. I also do not think that it was clearly explained why binaries should be used to define one of the characters as homosexual. I understood the examples provided to show that Claggart was homosexual, however, I’m not sure if there was an explicit reason that binaries and a deconstructive analysis was chosen. I feel like binaries highlight difference and it seemingly draws a clear line between heterosexuality and homosexuality. The analysis was interesting, but I would have been more interested to read the following chapter since I have read The Picture of Dorian Gray.
This chapter is a deconstructive analysis of the novella Billy Budd written by Herman Melville, but not published until after his death in 1924. The story concerns Billy Budd, a sailor who was very charismatic and well-liked aboard the ship “Bellipotent.” However, although generally popular among the crew, one member named Claggart falsely accuses Budd of conspiring a mutiny against the ship’s captain Vere which leads to his death. This novella was also turned into a very popular opera by E.M. Forrester and Benjamin Britten.
Sedgwick introduces this chapter by explaining the purposes of this chapter and the following chapter concerning “binarisms”: 1) introduce and define binarisms 2) analyze Billy Budd and The Picture of Dorian Gray and 3) look at 1891 as an important moment in history here a modern homosexual identity and the issue of sexual orientation began.
The author introduces Billy Budd as the story of a homosexual, Claggart, who is presented as different from his fellow sailors and an opposition to Vere, who is portrayed as normal. Also, there is an overarching theme of homosexuality, it questions the “essential nature of men’s desire for men” (p. 94). Sedgwick continues by providing a deconstructive analysis of the text to explain how she has come to recognize Claggart as a homosexual. She explains the following binaries within the work: 1) knowledge/ignorance; natural/unnatural 2) urbane/provincial; innocence/initiation; man/boy 3) cognition/paranoia; secrecy/disclosure 4) discipline/terrorism 5) public/private 6) sincerity/sentimentality 7) health/illness and 8) wholeness/decadence; utopia/apocalypse.
This chapter basically provides a detailed analysis of Billy Budd and the author explains how all of these exist within the novella even though they are seemingly contradictory. For example, being depraved can be natural or unnatural. Claggart’s character is explained as being explained in two possible ways, he is “depraved because homosexual, or alternatively depraved because homophobic—is of course an odd problem” (p. 96). Another example from this chapter concerning knowledge explains that “knowledge of the world” is equated with “the ability to recognize same-sex desire” which is “also a form of vulnerability as much as it is of mastery (p. 100). The false accusation of mutiny by Claggart can also be seen as the cognition/paranoia binary in this way. An illustration of the public/private binary is seen in the presentation of the ship’s actual space. It is never clearly defined which space belongs to the public and what actions are official and unofficial on the part of the captain because of the lack of space definition. Although, Vere is portrayed as the normal counterbalance to Claggart, he also represents the health/illness binary. He represents: “competence and craziness, or discipline and desire” (p. 124). In the final section, wholeness/decadence; utopia/apocalypse, Sedgwick discusses “gay genocide” or omnicide. “The deadlock of the past century between minoritizing and universalizing understandings of homo/heterosexual definition can only have deepened this fatal bond in the heterosexist imaginaire” (p. 128). She also explains that AIDS has become a “tragedy confined to our generation” (p. 129). She ends the chapter by stating that in order to get rid of this minority/universal binary we must open it up by recognizing it and thoughtfully analyzing it.
Reaction:
This chapter was difficult to summarize because it was a detailed analysis of a novella that I was not previously familiar with. I also do not think that it was clearly explained why binaries should be used to define one of the characters as homosexual. I understood the examples provided to show that Claggart was homosexual, however, I’m not sure if there was an explicit reason that binaries and a deconstructive analysis was chosen. I feel like binaries highlight difference and it seemingly draws a clear line between heterosexuality and homosexuality. The analysis was interesting, but I would have been more interested to read the following chapter since I have read The Picture of Dorian Gray.
Monday, October 12, 2009
Week 8: Gender and the Politics of History
Chapter 9: American Women Historians, 1884-1984 (p. 178-199)
Summary:
Scott introduces this chapter by stating that in terms of recorded history, the universal man is a white male and all others (women and people of different ethnicities) were marginalized. Her focus in this essay is the difference of gender, or sexual difference in history and she examines women historians.
This chapter is divided into three sections. The first section focuses on the American Historical Association (hereafter, the AHA). This organization was founded in 1884 and women were allowed to become members. However, upon entry they were still discriminated against and it is thought that their inclusion was only implemented to get away from history presented from an antiquarianism perspective. The AHA wanted to change the way that history was taught and since many women were professors, it was seen as important to include them. Even though women were included, they were treated as the same category as Man, but they were “always different from and subordinate” to Man (p. 183). Also, it was ignored that the leaders of the AHA were white men, thus limiting the historical perspective. Scott points out one important moment in the history of the AHA. In 1943 a woman became the president of the organization. Conversely, there was not much development in the AHA for women’s rights and another woman was not elected president until 1987.
Section two introduces strategies used by women to fight discrimination in the AHA. First, women could accept the limitations and operate around them within the organization. Second, they could explain discrimination as individual cases of misogyny. Finally, one could recognize gender differences and try to give women a position equal to or greater than men’s position. Lucy Salmon believed that women should be included “in the universal idea of humanity” and be treated equally (p. 187). Salmon worked for the equality of women in the field of history by recruiting more women members to the AHA and by encouraging women to become historians. However, her work was often brushed over in history and women were still depicted as invisible players despite her efforts and talent. Overall, this section highlights that women were still ignored historically and the idea of the Universal (white) Man continued in the depiction of history.
The final section focuses on efforts to include women in history. A new group was formed called the Committee on Women Historians (CWH). During the 1970s within the AHA women were now included more in certain committees and councils, thus giving them a chance to change and create policies. The problem was the idea of difference. Women could accept and celebrate the difference of gender or work to create a new identity that still suggested difference. This led to women’s history being included within the larger discipline of history, but as a subcategory. It wasn’t really integrated into history; it was still treated as something separate and different. Scott suggests: “The way out of the equality-difference dilemma seems to me to lie in another direction, one that critically analyzes the categories we most often take for granted: history, women, men, equality, difference, the terms of political theory itself” (p. 196). She believes that women cannot truly be included in history until it is accepted that the recorded history of the past was based on the white male as a universal symbol and the exclusion of all others.
Reaction:
I thought that it was interesting to examine the roots of recorded history in academia. The AHA seems like a pivotal group in analyzing the invisibility of women throughout recorded history. I was also not surprised that Women’s History was seen as a sub-discipline of history. It makes me think of the discipline of Women’s Studies as a distinct subject even though it is quite possible to include feminist theory within many other disciplines. It feels like even though women are looking for equality, what we get is another way to highlight that we are different and require separate disciplines within academia.
Chapter 10: Some More Reflections on Gender and Politics (p. 199-222)
Summary:
Scott begins this chapter by stating that it would be impossible to summarize all of the issues of gender and politics. She chooses instead to analyze four assumptions that have been used most within this book. Scott begins with: “The Sex/Gender Distinction: ‘Useful in Principle, but by No Means Widely Observed’” (p. 199). The title of this subsection refers to the idea that “sex” and “gender” are often used interchangeably by the mass culture. She also notes that sex versus gender can be reduced to nature versus culture. Both rely on the notion of difference and gender is, therefore, based on sex. Scott believes that in order for sex and gender to be removed from the economic and the political domains we must get rid of the ideas called to mind when we hear “men” and “women.” We must also accept that these terms refer to established ideals that are culturally based and that social roles only highlight the difference between men and women.
The next section, titled: “Gender and Politics: Formations of Fantasy” (p. 207), introduces the idea that even though there have been developments throughout history and a Renaissance in the 16th century, women did not benefit from any of this. Also, Scott states: “The political empowerment of men does not rest on claims to superior experience…skill or qualifications…but rather on sexual difference” (p. 210). Basically, the author suggests that women’s presence in history has been a fantasy, they did not benefit from revolutions and change in the same way that men did.
“Does the Presence of Women Always Call for Gender Analysis?” (p. 211) focuses on the distinctions made between men and women within societies. Scott opines: “The point is that the physical presence of females is not always a sure sign that ‘women’ are a separate political category, that they have been mobilized as women” (p. 212). Even though women have been present throughout history, it does not mean that they were aware of the rights they deserved or worked collectively for equality.
The final subsection, “The Subject of Rights” (p. 214), focuses on the idea that universal rights due to men and women suggest a perfect society where everyone is equal. However, this is another “fantasy.” Scott also believes that the term “Universal” is strictly a western term and can only be applied in this type of society. Equality is the basis for many societies, but since it has never been fully achieved it is part of an ideal that does not exist in practice.
Reaction:
This chapter was very dense and presented a lot of complicated topics quickly. I found it hard to follow, but I understand why it would be a good concluding chapter if you had read the entire book. She provided examples for each subsection, but I feel like these topics were so large that they were covered quickly to conserve space. She even began the chapter by stating that you could not analyze the entire situation of politics and gender, so she chose four themes to examine. I feel like I understand these topics in a very broad sense, but it was not helpful in clarifying their meanings for me.
Summary:
Scott introduces this chapter by stating that in terms of recorded history, the universal man is a white male and all others (women and people of different ethnicities) were marginalized. Her focus in this essay is the difference of gender, or sexual difference in history and she examines women historians.
This chapter is divided into three sections. The first section focuses on the American Historical Association (hereafter, the AHA). This organization was founded in 1884 and women were allowed to become members. However, upon entry they were still discriminated against and it is thought that their inclusion was only implemented to get away from history presented from an antiquarianism perspective. The AHA wanted to change the way that history was taught and since many women were professors, it was seen as important to include them. Even though women were included, they were treated as the same category as Man, but they were “always different from and subordinate” to Man (p. 183). Also, it was ignored that the leaders of the AHA were white men, thus limiting the historical perspective. Scott points out one important moment in the history of the AHA. In 1943 a woman became the president of the organization. Conversely, there was not much development in the AHA for women’s rights and another woman was not elected president until 1987.
Section two introduces strategies used by women to fight discrimination in the AHA. First, women could accept the limitations and operate around them within the organization. Second, they could explain discrimination as individual cases of misogyny. Finally, one could recognize gender differences and try to give women a position equal to or greater than men’s position. Lucy Salmon believed that women should be included “in the universal idea of humanity” and be treated equally (p. 187). Salmon worked for the equality of women in the field of history by recruiting more women members to the AHA and by encouraging women to become historians. However, her work was often brushed over in history and women were still depicted as invisible players despite her efforts and talent. Overall, this section highlights that women were still ignored historically and the idea of the Universal (white) Man continued in the depiction of history.
The final section focuses on efforts to include women in history. A new group was formed called the Committee on Women Historians (CWH). During the 1970s within the AHA women were now included more in certain committees and councils, thus giving them a chance to change and create policies. The problem was the idea of difference. Women could accept and celebrate the difference of gender or work to create a new identity that still suggested difference. This led to women’s history being included within the larger discipline of history, but as a subcategory. It wasn’t really integrated into history; it was still treated as something separate and different. Scott suggests: “The way out of the equality-difference dilemma seems to me to lie in another direction, one that critically analyzes the categories we most often take for granted: history, women, men, equality, difference, the terms of political theory itself” (p. 196). She believes that women cannot truly be included in history until it is accepted that the recorded history of the past was based on the white male as a universal symbol and the exclusion of all others.
Reaction:
I thought that it was interesting to examine the roots of recorded history in academia. The AHA seems like a pivotal group in analyzing the invisibility of women throughout recorded history. I was also not surprised that Women’s History was seen as a sub-discipline of history. It makes me think of the discipline of Women’s Studies as a distinct subject even though it is quite possible to include feminist theory within many other disciplines. It feels like even though women are looking for equality, what we get is another way to highlight that we are different and require separate disciplines within academia.
Chapter 10: Some More Reflections on Gender and Politics (p. 199-222)
Summary:
Scott begins this chapter by stating that it would be impossible to summarize all of the issues of gender and politics. She chooses instead to analyze four assumptions that have been used most within this book. Scott begins with: “The Sex/Gender Distinction: ‘Useful in Principle, but by No Means Widely Observed’” (p. 199). The title of this subsection refers to the idea that “sex” and “gender” are often used interchangeably by the mass culture. She also notes that sex versus gender can be reduced to nature versus culture. Both rely on the notion of difference and gender is, therefore, based on sex. Scott believes that in order for sex and gender to be removed from the economic and the political domains we must get rid of the ideas called to mind when we hear “men” and “women.” We must also accept that these terms refer to established ideals that are culturally based and that social roles only highlight the difference between men and women.
The next section, titled: “Gender and Politics: Formations of Fantasy” (p. 207), introduces the idea that even though there have been developments throughout history and a Renaissance in the 16th century, women did not benefit from any of this. Also, Scott states: “The political empowerment of men does not rest on claims to superior experience…skill or qualifications…but rather on sexual difference” (p. 210). Basically, the author suggests that women’s presence in history has been a fantasy, they did not benefit from revolutions and change in the same way that men did.
“Does the Presence of Women Always Call for Gender Analysis?” (p. 211) focuses on the distinctions made between men and women within societies. Scott opines: “The point is that the physical presence of females is not always a sure sign that ‘women’ are a separate political category, that they have been mobilized as women” (p. 212). Even though women have been present throughout history, it does not mean that they were aware of the rights they deserved or worked collectively for equality.
The final subsection, “The Subject of Rights” (p. 214), focuses on the idea that universal rights due to men and women suggest a perfect society where everyone is equal. However, this is another “fantasy.” Scott also believes that the term “Universal” is strictly a western term and can only be applied in this type of society. Equality is the basis for many societies, but since it has never been fully achieved it is part of an ideal that does not exist in practice.
Reaction:
This chapter was very dense and presented a lot of complicated topics quickly. I found it hard to follow, but I understand why it would be a good concluding chapter if you had read the entire book. She provided examples for each subsection, but I feel like these topics were so large that they were covered quickly to conserve space. She even began the chapter by stating that you could not analyze the entire situation of politics and gender, so she chose four themes to examine. I feel like I understand these topics in a very broad sense, but it was not helpful in clarifying their meanings for me.
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