Saturday, December 5, 2009

Week 16: Making Space for Indigenous Feminism:

***I just realized that some of my blogs are mislabeled! I actually have them all here, they are just labeled with incorrect week numbers sometimes.


Chapter 1: Taking Account of Aboriginal Feminism by Joyce Green (p. 20-32)


Summary:


This is an introductory chapter that discusses Aboriginal feminism. Green states: “Aboriginal feminists raise issues of colonialism, racism and sexism, and the unpleasant synergy between these three violations of human rights” (p. 20). There is a gap in the literature of Aboriginal feminism which further shows the invisibility of these women and that these women should be viewed as: “Aboriginal and female, and as contemporary persons living in the context of colonial oppression (p. 21). Another focus of Aboriginal feminism is liberation of women and particularly marginalized women and also considers the link between feminism and colonialism. Additionally, Green states that feminism is “about building bridges to other movements working for social justice” (p. 23). An issue within Aboriginal feminism is that these women are often critiqued and their authenticity is challenged. Sometimes they are accused of being “tools of colonial ideology or for being traitors to their communities” (p. 25). In this chapter Green also considers the role of tradition. For Aboriginal women, tradition means the practices that were present before colonialism and colonial practices. This type of feminism also examines oppressive traditions to women. Another problem is that “too many Aboriginal women have been silenced or had their social and political roles minimized by invocations of appropriate tradition relative to women’s voices and choices” (p. 27). Therefore, it is necessary to reject colonial institutions and imposed ideas of tradition. In conclusion, the author highlights the main issues within Aboriginal feminism: imperialism, colonialism, racism, sexism, and “power abuses within Aboriginal communities, organizations and families” (p. 30).


Reaction:


I thought that this serves as a good basis of definition before the book continues. I think that the issues were clearly presented and that pertinent examples were provided. I’m really interested to keep reading and discuss other issues brought up in this book.





Chapter 7: Practicing Indigenous Feminism: Resistance to Imperialism by Makere Stewart-Harawira (p. 124-139)


Summary:


The author of this chapter seeks to define her own view of Indigenous feminism. She also notes that in this text she prefers to use Indigenous versus Aboriginal in her treatment of the subject. She also explains how her background has come to influence her opinions. She is of Maori and Scottish descent. Her thesis has two parts: “first…Indigenous women have a vital role to play in the realization of alternative models of ‘being in the world’ and, second, that this represents a particularly poignant paradox” (p. 125). In her first subsection, “Writing as Politics” she explains how she and other Maori women use writing to “engage the dilemma of as whom do we write, and for whom?” (p. 126). The next section is titled: “Imperialist terrorism in our time.” Here the author discusses globalization and power within the world economy. In her text she sites Samir Amin who said: “capitalism has always been...by nature, a polarizing system…the concurrent construction of dominant centers and dominated peripheries and their reproduction deepening in each stage” (p. 130). The author also provides several examples of “imperial terrorism” inflicted by the U.S. against non-democratic nations on page 131. The final section is titled “Capitalism, Domination and the Subjugation of the Feminine.” Here she discusses the spread of capitalism and Christianity and the diminishing rights of Indigenous women. She also discusses male-centered societies and their focus on creating technology for the purpose of domination. Finally, the author concludes with the following statement:


Indigenous women who are in positions of privilege are called upon to vigorously refute capitalism’s excesses and greed; to refuse the dominator politics of power-over; to refuse to give up our sons and daughters, our children and grandchildren to the warmongering that is no called democracy; to reject the greed that is now called freedom; and to stand firmly in the intersection of the politics of local and global. It is from that intersection that we must decolonize the local and transform the global. As indigenous women warriors, we are called to re-weave the fabric of being in the world into a new spiritually grounded and feminine-oriented political framework and process of ‘being together in the world.’ In that process we are invited to deeply embrace the Other, who is after all, the Elders teach us, Ourself. This, I argue, is the urgent decolonizing project of Indigenous feminism today. (p. 136)

Friday, November 27, 2009

Week 14: The Global Political Economy of Sex: “Chapter 5: National Desires for Security”

Summary:

This chapter begins with an introduction that explains what practices are linked to an economic state’s desire for “security” and the basis for this article. There are four practices total. First, immigration based on “imperial geography” where people move based on where they can find a job. This also adds to the economic power of the country that they migrate to. Second, the economic state eroticizes sex industries (hereafter, desire industries) and then blames those (usually foreigners) that participate in these industries. The state then blames these individuals for contributing to “social anxieties and insecurities.” Third, the economic states makes it known that they are doing their job by controlling “borders, and counting, documenting, and disciplining migrant labor.” Fourth, the economic state renders the following global/powerful actors invisible: states, class, and international institutions (p. 123).

The first subsection is titled “Traversing an Imperial Geography: Concealing Capital Accumulation and Exploitation.” This section focuses on the migration of women to stronger economies in search of labor. However, many of these women become forced into the desire industry in order to survive. Agathangelou explains: “the organization of the desire industries and the trafficking trade…draws upon understandings and practices of slavery, recolonization, exploitation, and racism in its everyday constitution and reproduction” (p. 124). Next, the author provides an example of the “Natasha trade” (Russian women that are involved in the desire industry or trafficking trade that move to Turkey and marry) as a threat to national security in Turkey. Basically, the Turkish government sees these women as a security threat because so many are migrating and marrying that they will have an effect on their human resources. Next, “The state officials, who have been involved in the Natasha activities and who are in important positions, may leak extremely important information regarding the general security of the state, to these women” (p. 126). However, this type of analysis completely ignores class struggles, potential illegal links between the government and the desire industry, and also infantilizes men as being used by their wives. In this chapter, the author also provides firsthand accounts from women involved in the desire industry. Overall, their lack of economic mobility, their fear for their lives, and the abusive power of the police (that do nothing to protect these women, but instead take advantage of them) are highlighted in these accounts. Finally, Agathangelou concludes this section by stating: “The state and its agents whose interest in securing openness for capital to move and exploit cheap labor make the female migrant the ‘object of eroticization’ or just an ‘object’…while all the time attributing a threat to difference” (p. 134-135).

Next, “Security and Class Relations: The Racialization of the Female Migrant Force and Securitization of ‘Freedom,’” focuses on laws, and political and social structures that are put in place that actually promote the desire industry. This also creates problems in terms of feeling secure within a nation. The author states: “When locals face the migrant women, deeply entrenched racist behaviors and assumptions come to the surface. They complicate dichotomous relations between the secure and the nonsecure on different levels: structural, institutional, and personal” (p. 137-138). Globalization makes migration more possible and these people in turn become a threat to national identity and create insecurities within the nation in question.

The author continues her discussion in the following subsection titled, “Glossing Over Transnational Inequalities/Insecurities.” This section concerns Europe and migration effects on the desire industry. Agathangelou states: “In effect, migration flows present a challenge to states wishing, on the one hand, to keep intact a traditional control of territory, and on the other, to exploit a cheap and flexible supply of labor” (p. 140). Race is also becoming more important in the desire industry due to commonly held notions of racism and stereotypes. However, this puts women in competition with one another and creates unequal class relations within the industry. The distribution of these women based on race and quality of client and location is represented in Table 5.2 on page 144 in the text. In this text, Kollontai also expresses the link between the bourgeois culture and the desire industry: “The hypocritical morality of bourgeois society encourages prostitution by the structure of its exploitative economy, while at the same time mercilessly heaping contempt upon any girl or woman who is forced to take this path” (p. 145). The author also explains the link between the underground desire industry and threats to national security. These European nations see these immigrants as criminal that threaten the national identity and normal (non-black) markets.

Finally, the author offers us the final subsection: “By way of conclusion.” Generally, states address fears of globalization by starting with migration policies that end up “justifying the ‘national’ identity it has achieved through a territorialization” (p. 151). The state usually links national identity threats to migration “to privilege” and deflect “attention from an underlying political economy of exploitation and violence” (p. 152).


Reaction:


I found this chapter very enlightening in considering contemporary Europe. Especially with the case of Turkey, it is interesting to think about what nations are incorporated into Europe and what their practices are based on. I also enjoyed the author’s link between the economy and the desire industry and how the two are related. The chapter initially seemed very dense, but the subsections and organization of the chapter revealed several key ideas in current globalization and migration issues.

Sunday, November 22, 2009

Sister Outsider by Audre Lorde

I found this book to be incredibly interesting and eye opening. She presents her unique perspective in a very touching way. My favorite chapter was “Eye to Eye”: Black Women, Hatred, and Anger.” It was really thoughtfully written to present the concept of identity and solidarity (or lack thereof) amongst Black women. This chapter seemed to be written in a different style. She began by presenting the facts and then providing illustrative examples from her own life to frame these facts. As the chapter continued, her writing style became much less calculated and more fluid to represent the strong emotions that she felt. I also liked how she treated the topic of her anger and the idea of suffering to explain how she felt. She is clearly a very strong and intelligent woman and I felt like her writing really speaks to her readers. Lorde seems to be reaching out and allowing us to experience another unique perspective. I also liked her representation of society and motherhood given from her perspective.

Monday, November 2, 2009

Week 11: Dangerous Liaisons

Chapter 17: “On the Threshold of Women’s Era”: Lynching, Empire, and Sexuality in Black Feminist Theory by Hazel V. Carby (p. 330-343)

Summary:

Carby states that the purpose of this essay is to address the ways that African-American women intellectuals explain “patriarchal power through its manipulation of racialized and gendered social categories and practices” (p. 330). The author feels that the focus feminism is on a very small percentage of women (white, middle-class) and that non-white women are often ignored in their writing. Therefore, feminism promotes a “racist hierarchy” (p. 331).

In 1896, the National Association of Colored Women (NACW) was created and gave black women the first opportunity to discuss their rights and fight against their oppression. Many novels were published during this time period by African-American women with the purpose of “resisting and defeating oppression” (p. 332). Next, Carby discusses the “theory of internal and external colonization developed in the works of Cooper and Wells” (p. 332). The focus of her essay, however, is internalized colonization. Here the white man is portrayed as a beast that consumes everything in front of it, while white women are unable to control this beast. Cooper proposed that white women should revolutionize their thoughts and actions in order to lead reforms.

Carby continues the discussion by introducing the South, lynching, and rape. Ida B. Wells saw lynching as a “practice of political and economic repression” (p. 334). Wells believed that her first anti-lynching organization was the start of the movement among African-American women in the U.S. She also argued that in 1/3 of lynching cases, the reason was due to rape. The idea of rape created fear and terror within communities. Wells contended that the African-American community to learn that rape was a form of economic power. Black men were also technically allowed to vote, but usually could not do so peacefully; therefore, this was another form of emasculation. Wells also explained that lynching “could manipulate sexual ideologies to justify political and economic subordination” (p. 336). Cooper continued along the same lines and explained that “white men used their ownership of the body of the white female as a terrain on which to lynch the black male” (p. 336). Cooper and Wells believed that white women were a part of the preservation of an oppressive system. According to the author, rape and lynching are the two best representations of internal colonization. Hopkins argued that rape “should be totally separated from the issue of violated white womanhood and then recast as part of the social, political, and economic oppression of blacks” (p. 340).
The author concludes this essay by stating that the previous analyses “firmly established the dialectical relation between economic/political power and economic/sexual power in the battle for control of women’s bodies” (p. 342). Lastly, she states that we should become aware of the complexities of sexuality, the differences, and finally, begin an era that can include all women.

Reaction:

I thought this was an excellent analysis of rape and lynching in this time period. I don’t think that I would have been able to make these connections by myself, but it is now very clear to me that rape was used as a means to control African-American males politically. It is very disturbing to think that women had to suffer and become implicated in this system in order to achieve oppression.


Chapter 18: Making Empire Respectable: The Politics of Race and Sexual Morality in Twentieth-Century Colonial Countries by Ann Laura Stoler (p. 344-373)

Summary:

This chapter is introduced by a brief explanation of women’s role, or lack thereof, in colonization. Stoler states a fundamental question: “In what ways were gender inequalities essential to the structure of colonial racism and imperial authority?” (p. 344). She intends to explain the interrelatedness of colonial authority, racial distinctions, and gender in this essay. Colonial authority was based on inclusion (of whites) and exclusion (of Others). There are two parts to this essay: 1) an examination of the “domestic arrangements of colonial communities and their wider political structures” and 2) an analysis of the “cultural hygiene” of colonialism (p. 347).

Sexual relations were controlled in colonial settlements and the immigration of European women was restricted. Therefore, concubinage was the most appealing option for colonizers living abroad. Concubinage was thought to stabilize the colonial situation by eliminating sexual diseases that men would acquire from brothels. Also, concubines were recommended because they could be helpfully in teaching local language and culture. Stoler provides the following definition of concubinage: “the cohabitation outside of marriage between European men and Asian women” and included “sexual access to a non-European women as well as demands on her labor and legal rights to the children she bore” (p. 348). Concubinage created a social hierarchy, but created métis children that were often rejected by both cultures.

Concubinage was eventually replaced by the acceptance of prostitution. Another important change in the makeup of colonial settlements was the implementation of more white European women. A new society seemed to be created to model the refinement and delicateness of Europe for white women’s benefit that “deserved” more. Stoler states that women are: “charged with dramatically reshaping the face of colonial society, imposing their racial will on African and Asian colonies where ‘an iron curtain of ignorance’ replaced ‘relatively unrestrained social intermingling’ in earlier years” (p. 352). She also states that white women are not solely to blame for this shift. During this change, it was believed that white women needed protection from “primitive” men of color. There were also very broad definitions of threat and danger, which left all colonized men at risk of being aggressors. Stoler continues: “While native men were legally punished for alleged sexual assaults, European women were frequently blamed for provoking those desires” (p. 354).

The next section is titled: “White Degeneracy, Motherhood, and the Eugenics of empire” (p. 355). Here Stoler explains: “The ‘colonial branch’ of eugenics embraced a theory and practice concerned with the vulnerabilities of white rule and new measures to safeguard European superiority” (p. 356). Stoler explained that in this way the colonizers and the colonized were subject to exclusion and regulation, both became Others in a way. Colonial medicine reflected the fear of degeneracy in many ways. For example, Neurasthenia was a “phantom disease,…the classic illness of the late 19th century” that was “intimately linked to sexual deviation and to the destruction of the social order itself” (p. 359).
Stoler continues by examining the dangers of métissage. Previous concubines were now seen as a threat because if they procreated with white Europeans, a new “race” was created called the métis. These children were seen as weak and were often rejected by their fathers as well as members of the native culture. Many of these children ended up in orphanages and were taught morals by European women. The role of European women in the household became: “leisure, good spirit, and creature comforts” (p. 363). Motherhood became an essential role for women in the imperial mission of France.

The chapter is concluded by Stoler stating: “I have tried to show that the categories of colonizer and colonized were secured through notions of racial difference constructed in gender terms” (p. 365). She also states that colonial politics were not limited to sex and that sex was about “sexual access and reproduction, class distinctions and racial privileges, nationalism and European identity” (p. 367).

Reaction:

I thought this chapter was really well written and clearly defined the role of sex within colonial settlements. I have studied French colonialism in Indochina and it was interesting to examine women’s roles in the colony with more depth.

Monday, October 26, 2009

Week 10: Dangerous Liaisons

Chapter 3: “Of Balkans and Banustans: Ethnic Cleansing and the Crisis in National Legitimation” by Rob Nixon

Summary:

This chapter is mainly concerned with comparing the ethnic cleansing of the Balkans (in the Serbia region of southeast Europe) and the Banustans (in southwest Africa, now Namibia). Nixon introduces this chapter by stating that ethnic nationalism and more new states have arisen in Europe and Eurasia since the end of WWII (“boundaries appear to be more elastic”) (p. 69). Imperial collapse has led to instability within nations, which has in turn led to the importance of ethnicities. Nixon states: “The project of ‘cleansing’ such places may be vindicated by the contention, among others, that ‘improving’ a community’s ethnic consistency requires short-term violence for ends of long-term peace” (p. 70-71).

As stated, the focus of this chapter is to compare and contrast the ethnic cleansing of the Balkans and the Banustans and I have chosen a few examples from the chapter to present. After the breakup of Yugoslavia ethnic cleansing occurred as part of the new order. In contrast, in South Africa ethnic cleansing was part of the old order, or traditional order. The suffering of these two groups is also compared. Banustans suffered: “collective expulsion; forced migration; the bulldozing, gutting or seizure of homes; the mandatory carrying of ‘passes’ detailing the holder’s putative ethnicity and movements; and the corralling into rural ghettos of people decreed to be ‘illegal squatters,’ ‘surplus,’ ‘idle,’ ‘alien’ or ‘unassimilable’” (p. 74). Nixon continues to explain that “ethnicity serves as an ethical leveler” (p. 76) and that “the distinction between a paradigm foregrounding physical features and one emphasizing cultural contingencies is by no means absolute” (p. 77). However, cultures generally present these differences as biological differences. Nixon also briefly discusses the role of women, they are given “symbolically crucial roles as reproducers of the nation and as upholders of its innermost values” (p. 77). On the other hand, this does not mean that they are given equal rights. He continues: “Mass rape is, among other things, organized insemination, men’s way of interfering with the lineage of the enemy” (p. 78).

In conclusion, Nixon offers an explanation of homogeneity for ethnic cleansing. He states that there are greater rewards for pursuing sameness and that it is enough of an incentive for violence.


Reaction:


I found this chapter to be a little bit dense in terms of information. I also did not find it clear why the author wanted to explain the differences between these two ethnic cleansings. I assumed that they were presented as different to present the loss of human life on both sides, but at the end of the article this was still unclear. I found some of the similarities to be more interesting and revealing than the dissimilarities. I preferred the next chapter in terms of presenting information and examples of post-colonial issues of “gender, race, and nationalism.”



Chapter 4: “‘No longer in a Future Heaven’: Gender, Race and Nationalism”


Summary:


McClintock begins this chapter by stating: “All nationalisms are gendered; all are invented; and all are dangerous” (p. 89). This statement basically sums up the entire chapter. She continues by explaining that national identity is gendered and males are given the power based on gender difference. Nira Yuval-Davis and Floya Anthias identified five ways that women have been implicated into nationalism: 1) as biological reproducers of the members of national collectivities 2) as reproducers of the boundaries of national groups (through restrictions on sexual or marital relations 3) as active transmitters and producers of the national culture 4) as symbolic signifiers of national difference and 5) as active participants in national struggles (p. 90).

McClintock explains that in the family model, it is accepted as natural that the man is the head of the household. It then proceeds “logically” that he would be the head of the nation and of national identity. Women are always implicated as being part of society, but subservient to men. The author also explains that history must be recorded in order to show improvement and progress within the society, and thus legitimize certain actions. “Women were seen not as inhabiting history proper but as existing, like colonized peoples, in a permanently anterior time within the modern nation” (p. 93). McClintock introduces Frantz Fanon as an important figure in demystifying gender in nationalism. Fanon questions the naturalness of nationalism, looks at the family model as a product of social power, and recognizes military power structures within the family (authority of father). Next, the author discusses the inventing of traditions to legitimize history and create a false sense of nationalism. She gives the example of the “Tweede Trek,” in Africa which was basically a spectacle that was created to draw attention and make people feel that they had a collective identity. This was adopted from a similar plan used by the Nazis. Here people traveled long distances in covered wagons from town to town and became known as national heroes. McClintock labeled this as a “collective fetish spectacle” (p. 102).

The last section is titled “Feminism and Nationalism.” Here McClintock makes concluding remarks about women’s rights in Africa. She addresses the title of this chapter; it is a quote by Fanon that states: “national transformation is ‘no longer in a future heaven’” (p. 110). Basically, McClintock is referring to the fact that even in revolutions feminism has never really been the focus and that no revolution leads to a perfect society.

Monday, October 19, 2009

Week 9: Epistemology of the Closet: Chapter 2: Some Binarisms (I): Billy Budd: After the Homosexual (p. 91-130)

Summary:

This chapter is a deconstructive analysis of the novella Billy Budd written by Herman Melville, but not published until after his death in 1924. The story concerns Billy Budd, a sailor who was very charismatic and well-liked aboard the ship “Bellipotent.” However, although generally popular among the crew, one member named Claggart falsely accuses Budd of conspiring a mutiny against the ship’s captain Vere which leads to his death. This novella was also turned into a very popular opera by E.M. Forrester and Benjamin Britten.

Sedgwick introduces this chapter by explaining the purposes of this chapter and the following chapter concerning “binarisms”: 1) introduce and define binarisms 2) analyze Billy Budd and The Picture of Dorian Gray and 3) look at 1891 as an important moment in history here a modern homosexual identity and the issue of sexual orientation began.

The author introduces Billy Budd as the story of a homosexual, Claggart, who is presented as different from his fellow sailors and an opposition to Vere, who is portrayed as normal. Also, there is an overarching theme of homosexuality, it questions the “essential nature of men’s desire for men” (p. 94). Sedgwick continues by providing a deconstructive analysis of the text to explain how she has come to recognize Claggart as a homosexual. She explains the following binaries within the work: 1) knowledge/ignorance; natural/unnatural 2) urbane/provincial; innocence/initiation; man/boy 3) cognition/paranoia; secrecy/disclosure 4) discipline/terrorism 5) public/private 6) sincerity/sentimentality 7) health/illness and 8) wholeness/decadence; utopia/apocalypse.

This chapter basically provides a detailed analysis of Billy Budd and the author explains how all of these exist within the novella even though they are seemingly contradictory. For example, being depraved can be natural or unnatural. Claggart’s character is explained as being explained in two possible ways, he is “depraved because homosexual, or alternatively depraved because homophobic—is of course an odd problem” (p. 96). Another example from this chapter concerning knowledge explains that “knowledge of the world” is equated with “the ability to recognize same-sex desire” which is “also a form of vulnerability as much as it is of mastery (p. 100). The false accusation of mutiny by Claggart can also be seen as the cognition/paranoia binary in this way. An illustration of the public/private binary is seen in the presentation of the ship’s actual space. It is never clearly defined which space belongs to the public and what actions are official and unofficial on the part of the captain because of the lack of space definition. Although, Vere is portrayed as the normal counterbalance to Claggart, he also represents the health/illness binary. He represents: “competence and craziness, or discipline and desire” (p. 124). In the final section, wholeness/decadence; utopia/apocalypse, Sedgwick discusses “gay genocide” or omnicide. “The deadlock of the past century between minoritizing and universalizing understandings of homo/heterosexual definition can only have deepened this fatal bond in the heterosexist imaginaire” (p. 128). She also explains that AIDS has become a “tragedy confined to our generation” (p. 129). She ends the chapter by stating that in order to get rid of this minority/universal binary we must open it up by recognizing it and thoughtfully analyzing it.


Reaction:



This chapter was difficult to summarize because it was a detailed analysis of a novella that I was not previously familiar with. I also do not think that it was clearly explained why binaries should be used to define one of the characters as homosexual. I understood the examples provided to show that Claggart was homosexual, however, I’m not sure if there was an explicit reason that binaries and a deconstructive analysis was chosen. I feel like binaries highlight difference and it seemingly draws a clear line between heterosexuality and homosexuality. The analysis was interesting, but I would have been more interested to read the following chapter since I have read The Picture of Dorian Gray.

Monday, October 12, 2009

Week 8: Gender and the Politics of History

Chapter 9: American Women Historians, 1884-1984 (p. 178-199)

Summary:

Scott introduces this chapter by stating that in terms of recorded history, the universal man is a white male and all others (women and people of different ethnicities) were marginalized. Her focus in this essay is the difference of gender, or sexual difference in history and she examines women historians.

This chapter is divided into three sections. The first section focuses on the American Historical Association (hereafter, the AHA). This organization was founded in 1884 and women were allowed to become members. However, upon entry they were still discriminated against and it is thought that their inclusion was only implemented to get away from history presented from an antiquarianism perspective. The AHA wanted to change the way that history was taught and since many women were professors, it was seen as important to include them. Even though women were included, they were treated as the same category as Man, but they were “always different from and subordinate” to Man (p. 183). Also, it was ignored that the leaders of the AHA were white men, thus limiting the historical perspective. Scott points out one important moment in the history of the AHA. In 1943 a woman became the president of the organization. Conversely, there was not much development in the AHA for women’s rights and another woman was not elected president until 1987.

Section two introduces strategies used by women to fight discrimination in the AHA. First, women could accept the limitations and operate around them within the organization. Second, they could explain discrimination as individual cases of misogyny. Finally, one could recognize gender differences and try to give women a position equal to or greater than men’s position. Lucy Salmon believed that women should be included “in the universal idea of humanity” and be treated equally (p. 187). Salmon worked for the equality of women in the field of history by recruiting more women members to the AHA and by encouraging women to become historians. However, her work was often brushed over in history and women were still depicted as invisible players despite her efforts and talent. Overall, this section highlights that women were still ignored historically and the idea of the Universal (white) Man continued in the depiction of history.

The final section focuses on efforts to include women in history. A new group was formed called the Committee on Women Historians (CWH). During the 1970s within the AHA women were now included more in certain committees and councils, thus giving them a chance to change and create policies. The problem was the idea of difference. Women could accept and celebrate the difference of gender or work to create a new identity that still suggested difference. This led to women’s history being included within the larger discipline of history, but as a subcategory. It wasn’t really integrated into history; it was still treated as something separate and different. Scott suggests: “The way out of the equality-difference dilemma seems to me to lie in another direction, one that critically analyzes the categories we most often take for granted: history, women, men, equality, difference, the terms of political theory itself” (p. 196). She believes that women cannot truly be included in history until it is accepted that the recorded history of the past was based on the white male as a universal symbol and the exclusion of all others.

Reaction:


I thought that it was interesting to examine the roots of recorded history in academia. The AHA seems like a pivotal group in analyzing the invisibility of women throughout recorded history. I was also not surprised that Women’s History was seen as a sub-discipline of history. It makes me think of the discipline of Women’s Studies as a distinct subject even though it is quite possible to include feminist theory within many other disciplines. It feels like even though women are looking for equality, what we get is another way to highlight that we are different and require separate disciplines within academia.


Chapter 10: Some More Reflections on Gender and Politics (p. 199-222)

Summary:


Scott begins this chapter by stating that it would be impossible to summarize all of the issues of gender and politics. She chooses instead to analyze four assumptions that have been used most within this book. Scott begins with: “The Sex/Gender Distinction: ‘Useful in Principle, but by No Means Widely Observed’” (p. 199). The title of this subsection refers to the idea that “sex” and “gender” are often used interchangeably by the mass culture. She also notes that sex versus gender can be reduced to nature versus culture. Both rely on the notion of difference and gender is, therefore, based on sex. Scott believes that in order for sex and gender to be removed from the economic and the political domains we must get rid of the ideas called to mind when we hear “men” and “women.” We must also accept that these terms refer to established ideals that are culturally based and that social roles only highlight the difference between men and women.

The next section, titled: “Gender and Politics: Formations of Fantasy” (p. 207), introduces the idea that even though there have been developments throughout history and a Renaissance in the 16th century, women did not benefit from any of this. Also, Scott states: “The political empowerment of men does not rest on claims to superior experience…skill or qualifications…but rather on sexual difference” (p. 210). Basically, the author suggests that women’s presence in history has been a fantasy, they did not benefit from revolutions and change in the same way that men did.

“Does the Presence of Women Always Call for Gender Analysis?” (p. 211) focuses on the distinctions made between men and women within societies. Scott opines: “The point is that the physical presence of females is not always a sure sign that ‘women’ are a separate political category, that they have been mobilized as women” (p. 212). Even though women have been present throughout history, it does not mean that they were aware of the rights they deserved or worked collectively for equality.

The final subsection, “The Subject of Rights” (p. 214), focuses on the idea that universal rights due to men and women suggest a perfect society where everyone is equal. However, this is another “fantasy.” Scott also believes that the term “Universal” is strictly a western term and can only be applied in this type of society. Equality is the basis for many societies, but since it has never been fully achieved it is part of an ideal that does not exist in practice.


Reaction:


This chapter was very dense and presented a lot of complicated topics quickly. I found it hard to follow, but I understand why it would be a good concluding chapter if you had read the entire book. She provided examples for each subsection, but I feel like these topics were so large that they were covered quickly to conserve space. She even began the chapter by stating that you could not analyze the entire situation of politics and gender, so she chose four themes to examine. I feel like I understand these topics in a very broad sense, but it was not helpful in clarifying their meanings for me.

Monday, September 28, 2009

Week 5: Chapter 5: Barbie vs. the Menstrual Kit (p. 167-201)

Summary:

The focus of this article was the “girls’ movement” within feminism that focused on younger girls and the issues that they faced. The authors discuss a work titled: In a Different Voice by Carol Gilligan. Gilligan’s writing is a celebration of diverse experiences and “called for the appreciation of women’s voices, their different values and views” (p. 173). Approximately ten years later Gilligan started another work titled Making Connections. In this book she gave girls a voice by examining girls at a private school ranging from ages eleven to sixteen (previously a group that was not researched). Gilligan’s conclusion in both of these books was that women had to find their own voice and form strong relationships with other women starting from an early age.

Next, Baumgardner and Richards discuss another important figure in the girls’ movement, Nell Merlino. Merlino came up with the idea for “Take Our Daughters to Work Day” that was presented in the beginning of the chapter. This program was created to give girls a chance to see different kinds of working environments, especially if their own mother was not able to take them to work (for example, stay at home moms or women on welfare). The program was very successful and by 1999, fifty-six million adults and nineteen million girls had participated in the program. However, due to its immense success, not every program could be properly regulated. One issue within the girls’ movement is the portrayal of girls. The authors state that “The problem is not that we can’t simultaneously acknowledge girls’ strength and sexism; it is that girls are being labeled victims of society and, by implication, passive dupes whether or not they themselves feel this way” (p. 185). They also state that for future programs to be successful “We need to listen to girls instead of lecturing them” (p. 185).

Baumgardner and Richards discuss Barbie near the end of the chapter. They
begin by introducing the fact that “The literature of the girls’ movement might not be saying ‘you’re not thin enough or pretty enough,’ but it is saying ‘you’re not strong enough or confident enough’” (p. 191). Basically, girls are concerned with appearances and they should not be made to feel guilty for this reason. The title of the chapter comes from this section because the authors discuss “the menstrual kit” or the “first-blood ceremony.” This is supposed to be an empowering event, but it does not consider the girl’s point of view. They also provided an anecdote proving that the younger girls celebrating the ceremony often felt uncomfortable about it. This leads to the discussion of Barbie. Barbie has generally been viewed as very negative within the feminist movement. However, Baumgardner and Richards argue that girls do not always feel that they want to become Barbie, but often use the dolls to act out different scenarios and it really is not as negative an influence as everyone thinks. The authors do not dismiss Mattel though, and state that they have a responsibility to not give negative representations of women.

The concluding remarks of this chapter suggest that in order to improve girls’ self-esteem, and ultimately the women that they become, there needs to be a focus now on the younger generation. This needs to be accomplished by giving girls voice and the ability to make decisions.


Response:

I really enjoyed this chapter and I think that girls should be given voice within the feminist movement. This really was a difficult time of my life and I can only imagine how much it would have helped to have someone there to work through issues with me, especially if it was a group composed of my peers. I feel like adolescence can be a very isolating time and that by giving girls a support system it would ultimately help them to grow up and become well adjusted adults. I really feel like it would be best to stamp out self esteem issues immediately and give them the opportunity to really grow while they are still young. I think that this time period is also important when you consider identity. Overall, I thought the projects and programs presented in this chapter should be implemented on a larger scale.

Sunday, September 20, 2009

Week 4: Monique Wittig: One is Not Born a Woman (p. 265-271) and Elsa Barkley Brown: “What has Happened Here”(p. 272-287)

Monique Wittig: One is Not Born a Woman (p. 265-271)

Summary:

Simone de Beauvoir said: “One is not born, but becomes a woman” (p. 265). Wittig states that there is no “natural woman” and that the idea of being feminine is created by society. She also notes that since a lesbian society does exist, this defeats the idea of “natural woman.” However, Wittig recognizes that many people still believe the oppression of women is “biological as well as historical” (p. 266). Wittig explains further that this could never be a lesbian approach to women’s oppression because it is based on the idea that the beginning of society is heterosexuality. Also, biology (or the capability of having children) is not enough to define Woman. Wittig also discusses the idea that sex is like race in the sense that it is visible and therefore seems to belong to some kind of natural order. This leads to the lesbian perspective that this perception of Woman is very “unnatural” because it was created and based before the women’s liberation movement. Wittig states: “To refuse to be a woman, however, does not mean that one has to become a man” (p. 267). Meaning, that refusing to “be a woman” is simply just refusing to accept imposed ideas of femininity. She also clarifies: “Thus a lesbian has to be something else, a not-woman, a not-man, a product of society, not a product of nature, for there is no nature is society” (p. 267). It is not enough to simply promote women (“woman is wonderful” concept); it is the idea of being a man or a woman “which are political categories and not natural givens” (p. 267) that needs to be rejected.

A materialist feminist approach sees women and men as separate classes. Therefore, the goal is “to suppress men as a class, not through a genocidal, but a political struggle” (p. 267). This means that if there was no longer a class called “men,” there would no longer be a class called “women.” The first step would be to dispel the myth of Woman. Wittig states that “‘woman’ is there to confuse us, to hide the reality ‘women’” (p. 268). She believes that the new focus would be on personal identity.

Wittig also presents a Marxist perspective. She states that Marxism lead to two results for women: the order of men and women was assumed to be natural and the conflict between men and women was hidden behind a “natural division of labor” (p. 270). Also, if women united it would threaten the strength of the people in a Marxist society.

Wittig concludes by calling attention again to the rejection of the myth of Woman. She believes that the categories of sex must be destroyed and that all sciences that use these definitions should also be rejected. She again comes back to the model of lesbianism; she states that this is the only category that goes beyond woman and man currently. So, in order to reject this myth of Woman we must destroy “heterosexuality as a social system which is based on the oppression of women by men and which produces the doctrine of the difference between the sexes to justify this oppression” (p. 271).



Response:


I thought this article was really clear in explaining the categories of sex. It seems to me that the categories presented by Wittig are Man, Woman, and Lesbian. However, Man and Woman are based on supposedly “natural” categories and need to be destroyed in order to eliminate this myth of Woman. I had never thought of lesbianism as a category comparable to the Man/Woman model, but it really makes sense. It rejects both categories of Man and Woman to create a new sexless category. I also really feel that by emulating this new category, it would destroy the Man/Woman model. Although, this is all theoretical, I think that if the heterosexual society model could be destroyed and a sexless system was created, then it would be much easier to stop the oppression to women.




Elsa Barkley Brown: “What has Happened Here” The Politics of Difference in Women’s History and Feminist Politics (p. 272-287)


Summary:


Brown introduces this article with the idea of diversity of women’s experiences and history. She suggests that others see highlighting differences within the women’s movement as counterproductive. However, she suggests that the underlying thinking behind women’s history and politics needs to be restructured to incorporate and celebrate diversity. Next, Brown discusses the problem of history by comparing it to jazz music. She states that jazz relies on improvisation and responding quickly to the music created by others in the group. In this way, everyone gets to play, but works together to create something unique. History should be looked at the same way because it is not a series of isolated events experienced by one person at a time. Instead, many people are experiencing the same event at the same time, but in potentially different ways. Brown also suggests that simply tying all women together with the word “gender” is equally limiting because all women do not share the exact same experience. She continues her explanation stating that acknowledging difference is not enough, we must also understand the “relational nature of those differences” (p. 275). She provides an example of women of color being exploited by multinational corporations who export jobs, which leads to higher unemployment for women of minorities and a growth in employment available to mostly white middle-class women. This split leads to different experiences amongst women. Brown also recognizes that most historians acknowledge differences and then ignore them, however, she states: “The effect of this is that acknowledging difference becomes a way of reinforcing the notion that the experiences of white middle-class women are the norm; all others become deviant—different from” (p. 276). Basically, by thinking this way, it is furthering the oppression of women because it assumes that the white woman is the standard. Brown continues: “We have still to recognize that all women do not have the same gender” (p. 276). She also explains that in women’s history being different means non-white and non-heterosexual, thus underlining the fact that this is the norm in our society and everything else is deviant or different. Also, this gives white heterosexual women privilege in the recording of women’s history.

Next, Brown discusses the case of Anita Hill in 1991. Hill was sexually harassed and became a “universal symbol, evidence of the common bonds of womanhood” (p. 278). However, her race was never addressed; her experience was simply reduced to the experience of a woman. Brown argues that in order to understand her experience, we must consider it from her perspective of not only being a woman, but also being “a young black woman, the daughter of Oklahoma farmers, whose family and community expected her to do well” (p. 278). Simply looking at her case from a woman’s perspective is not enough; it does not convey the uniqueness of her experience or represent the different pressures that she faced. Also, the stereotypes of African American women were not addressed or the fact that Hill was speaking against an African American man and potentially upsetting the entire African American community. Brown acknowledges that telling Hill’s story from these different angles would be very complicated, but could have “created a much broader base of understanding and support for issues of sexual harassment” (p. 280). She returns to the idea of chaos in her conclusion stating that people fear “layering multiple and asymmetrical stories will only result in chaos with no women’s history or women’s story to tell” (p. 281). Brown wants us to think past these ideas in order to gain a better understanding of women’s identity that is not explicitly based on gender, but on different experiences.


Response:

I was initially surprised to think that women’s differences were not celebrated within the women’s movement. However, Brown’s logic made it clear that they are not, or that if they are they are only recognized and thus create further walls between what is considered normal and deviant. The case of Anita Hill was interesting in the sense that hypothetically the case could have been treated differently if all of Hill’s identity markers were considered. It could have also potentially opened up the issue of sexual harassment even further. I also really liked Brown’s conclusion that we should be open to change the way we look at women’s history, so that each unique experience can be included. Some people see celebrating differences as detrimental to the women’s movement, but in reality looking at women as normal (white/heterosexual) and deviant (everything else) are much more damaging and limiting.

Monday, September 14, 2009

Week 3: Gayle Rubin: The Traffic in Women Notes on the “Political Economy” of Sex (p. 27-62)

Summary:

The purpose of this text is to clarify the definition of the sex/gender system. Rubin hopes to define this term by looking at the problem of women’s oppression from a different angle. Meaning, she looks to Freud and Lévi-Strauss for foundations of oppression. She also uses them to define different structures. The sex/gender system is defined in the beginning as occurring when a particular culture turns biological sex into “products of human activity” (p. 28).

Rubin begins her analysis with Marx; however, she states that Marx cannot truly explain women’s oppression because he does not address sex. Basically, Rubin explains Marx by saying that women’s domain became the home because capitalism is an institution inherited by men and women were not given the chance to lead or be in positions of authority.

Next, Rubin analyzes Engels’ The Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the State because he “sees sex oppression as the part of capitalism’s heritage from prior social forms” and “integrates sex and sexuality into his theory of society” (p. 31). Rubin explains that the desires of sexuality and procreation must be fulfilled and that they are not usually satisfied in a natural way. Also, in terms of procreation, every society has a sex/gender system, but the system is changed based on the differing cultures. Rubin clarifies that the sex/gender system is also known as “mode of reproduction” and “patriarchy.” However, the sex/gender system is different because it is a neutral expression that “indicates that oppression is not inevitable…but is the product of the specific social relations which organize it” (p. 33).

Rubin continues her analysis by employing Engel’s method (but not the results) to analyze kinship. She defines kinship as “a system of categories and statuses which often contradict actual genetic relationships” (p. 34). She also notes that kinship varies greatly among cultures. In Mauss’ Essay on the Gift he explains gift giving as an important social interaction. Lévi-Strauss explains further that marriage is a basic form of gift giving, as women are the most precious gift and that the incest taboo is put into place to ensure marriages outside of the family occur and thus the “gifts” that come along with it. Moreover, women cannot truly benefit from this exchange because men are the “giver” and women are the “gift.” So, it is really only an exchange among men and women “do not have full rights to themselves” (p. 39). Rubin argues that this exchange of women was the foundation of each society and it became part of the structure. In terms of kinship, Rubin states: “At the most general level, the social organization of sex rests upon gender, obligatory heterosexuality, and the constraint of female sexuality” (p. 40). On the other hand, she also explains that homosexuality can be established through kinship.

Rubin subsequently examines psychoanalysis and the Freudian perspective. Her goal here is to provide evidence that the psychoanalytic unconscious exists. She explains the “Electra” complex, which is basically the opposite of the Oedipus complex for girls. Moreover, Freud represents femininity as a “consequence of the anatomical differences between the sexes” (p. 44). Meaning that women learn to be passive and feel inferior because of penis envy. Also, the two genders were created to limit the sexual rights of women. Returning to the idea of kinship, it is seen as the learning of sexuality in society where the individual is taught to “play” their biological sex. The idea of the phallus is suggested to be the recognition of the domination of men over women. Finally, Rubin explains that “the oppression of women is deep” and that Lévi-Strauss and Freud serve to outline the structure of women’s oppression (p. 51).

Rubin argues that the sex/gender system is still organized by the theories of Lévi-Strauss and that “in short, feminism must call for a revolution in kinship” (p. 52). She also presents a potential solution to this problem:

“Cultural evolution provides us with the opportunity to seize control of the means of sexuality, reproduction, and socialization, and to make conscious decisions to liberate human sexual life from the archaic relationships which deform it. Ultimately, a thoroughgoing feminist revolution would liberate more than women. It would liberate forms of sexual expression, and it would liberate human personality from the straightjacket of gender” (p. 52).

Overall, she states that the purpose of her essay was to build a theory of women’s oppression by utilizing ideas from anthropology and psychoanalysis. She also hopes to change the sex/gender system through political action.
She concludes this piece by briefly discussing “The Political Economy of Sex” and the ways that the sex/gender system has been historically integrated into society. Again, she highlights the link between marriage and “economic and political arrangements” (p. 56). This also returns to the idea of women as the “gift” in an exchange between men.

Critique/Response:

I found this text to be particularly dense in presenting and relating a lot of different concepts. However, I found the anthropological perspective on the gift giver and the gift to be really interesting. I thought it was the perfect way to explain the idea of marriage. I also liked that it was outlined as another way that women don’t have control of their own bodies. This text really helped me understand how the oppression of women is built into the foundation of all cultures. Although the theories presented were very complex and presented quickly, I felt like the outline of this paper helped frame theory and history for me.

Monday, September 7, 2009

Week 2: Part 3 Introduction (p. 472-477); Guineas and Locks: Virginia Woolf (1882-1941) (p. 622-626); Virginia Woolf: A Room of One’s Own (p. 627-652)

Part 3 Introduction (p. 472-477)


Summary:


The readings from this section of the book are going to shift from moral crusaders to radicals and reformers. There will also be a larger perspective on feminism and class issues. For instance, there will be urban, cosmopolitan, and industrial focuses. These women will also raise questions about social institutions imposing on personal liberties. Another difference in these writings is that they are no longer involved in the church and theology. Finally, there is a shift to focusing on the rights of working class women.

Florence Kelly is given as an example of a feminist that wrote about developing industry and its impact on women and children. She was very concerned for the “human element” (p. 474). Her specialty was legislative reform instead of “political organizer and pamphleteer” (p. 475). She also translated the first English edition of Friedrich Engels’ The Condition of the Working Class in England.

Part three of The Feminist Papers is divided into two perspectives. The first is the radical perspective that critiques the links of marriage and property. This perspective includes the following women: August Bebel, Emma Goldman, and Suzanne La Follette. The second perspective is the reform perspective, which was focused on amelioration and sociologist principles. Texts have been chosen from the following women: Charlotte Gilman, Margaret Sanger, and Jane Addams.


Response/Critique


I am excited to talk about these readings in class this week. Although, they are not completely contemporary I feel that I will be more easily able to relate to the subject matters. Particularly, today I think that the socialist ideology is becoming more important in the U.S. I also believe that women could benefit greatly from a more socialistic perspective in the government. Having just lived in Europe, the improvement in quality of life for everyone is evident. This would just be one more way to level the playing field between men and women. For example, women’s health issues are much more expansive under France’s socialistic government. Also, France is a much more liberal country and I feel that the women have greatly improved rights because of it. The examples that come immediately to mind are child care and the right to an abortion covered by the government health care policy. Women do not have to choose between having a child and a career. The government pays for day care starting at age 2 or 3 and also provides the family a stipend to take care of child expenses. Also, if a woman chooses an abortion, it is not only affordable, but the French use different methods that make the process less traumatic for the woman. Overall, I think that single motherhood would be much more tolerable and comfortable for the mother and child in France.


Guineas and Locks: Virginia Woolf (1882-1941) (p. 622-626)/Virginia Woolf: A Room of One’s Own (p. 627-652)


Summary:


Virginia Woolf published A Room of One’s Own in 1929 after reworking an article entitled “Women and Fiction.” Woolf’s focus was less on political causes and more on her writing. She discussed the difficulties women faced in working creatively: “One was that a young woman must conceal the fact that she ‘had a mind of her own, so that no man should be shocked or offended,’ and the second that there are many things a woman may not freely say about what she physically feels or she will arouse severe masculine disapproval” (p. 622). In Three Guineas she also discussed the social roles of middle-class women, the education of women, professions of women, and women in a war economy (very contemporary).

A Room of One’s Own was written in a very conversational style that allowed Woolf to communicate with and engage the reader. It is very effective because you feel as if you are hearing her voice. She also includes observations about the social roles of men and women. For instance, she provides examples of ridicule and contempt men show towards women and the humiliations that women face in daily interactions. Overall, she argues that women need money (economic independence) and a room of her own (a space to allow contemplation and self reflection).

This excerpt includes texts from chapters two, three, and six of A Room of One’s Own. In chapter two Woolf poses questions directly to the reader and raises important questions. She begins: “Have you any notion how many books are written about women in the course of one year? Have you any notion how many are written by men? Are you aware that you are, perhaps, the most discussed animal in the universe?” (p. 627). She continues to provide examples of how writing represents patriarchy. For example, she discusses the opinions and stories within newspapers. It seems that men control everything, except for the weather in the local news. She continues her explanation that woman’s only purpose seems to be to bolster men’s confidence. Finally, she discusses the importance of money for women. If women are not dependent on men for money, they are freer to express themselves creatively. She argues: “I need not hate any man; he cannot hurt me. I need not flatter any man; he has nothing to give me” (p. 634). Money can represent liberation for women.

In chapter three, Woolf discusses the elevated status of women in fiction versus history or reality. She provides examples, such as, “Clytemnestra, Antigone, Cleopatra, Lady Macbeth, Phèdre, Cressida, Rosalind, Desdemona, and the Duchess of Malfi” (p. 637). She argues that women are viewed here as strong or independent, but historically women did not have the rights that would allow them to make history or even be included in history. At the end of this chapter she discusses the importance for a woman to have her own space or a “room of one’s own.” She also explains that it would be very difficult for most women to attain, but if it were possible, economic freedom and a personal space would better allow woman to thrive creatively and personally.

Finally, in chapter six, Woolf talks about women poets that have lived and died without ever having the chance to become poets. She attests: “She lives in you and in me, and in many other women who are not here to-night, for they are washing up the dishes and putting the children to bed. But she lives; for great poets do not die; they are continuing presences; they need only the opportunity to walk among us in the flesh” (p. 652). She is arguing that with economic freedom and a private space, women could become the great poets, but at this time, it wasn’t always possible to have this luxury.


Response/Critique:


I really enjoyed the last quote from chapter six of A Room of One’s Own. It reminded me of a quote I found last week by Elizabeth and Emily Blackwell. They stated: “For what is done or learned by one class of women becomes, by virtue of their common womanhood, the property of all women” (p. 355). This idea of the woman poet that lives on and the woman doctor that makes way for other women doctors, makes me see how the theme of connectedness and womanhood runs through these articles. The Blackwell sisters and Woolf are urging women to become a part of something larger and lasting.

I also liked the way Woolf explained the status of women in society. Since she did have the two things she thought all women should have (money and personal space) she was able to speak authoritatively on the subject. She presented both types of women, she knew what is was like to not have these things and how her life was greatly improved after obtaining them. Her style also made the reading flow. I felt like she was really talking to me and I think that’s what is great about women writers. You can really feel like a part of the text. Again, I think this contributes to the idea of common womanhood and “the property of all women.” I feel implicated in the writing, and as a result, I feel like I am also contributing to this idea of our property.

Monday, August 31, 2009

Week 1: “‘Remember the Ladies’: Abigail Adams vs. John Adams” (p. 7-15) and “The Blackwell Clan” (p. 323-377)

“‘Remember the Ladies’: Abigail Adams vs. John Adams” (p. 7-15)

Summary:

This text includes six letters, four written by Abigail Adams and two written by John Adams. The letters concern Abigail Adams’ desire for women’s rights to be addressed by the Second Continental Congress. The letters are not strictly a dialogue between husband and wife, included are personal letters from Abigail Adams addressing two different friends and a final letter from John Adams to James Sullivan. The letters are presented in a cohesive way that allows us to see Abigail Adams’ argument develop and ultimately be rejected by her husband and fellow politicians.
Abigail Adams begins her first letter detailing her interest in travel, and her inability to do so, based on her sex. It is clear that she is not satisfied with this inequality. The next letter is arguably the most famous and was written approximately five years later by Abigail Adams to John Adams. She recommends that he “Remember the Ladies” (p. 10) while drafting laws for the new country. She also warns that women are likely to start a revolution if they will have no “voice, or Representation” within the new government. John Adams response was that he could not help “but laugh” (p. 11) at the proposition. The following letter from Abigail Adams addresses a friend and she is clearly outraged. She details how she will respond, but in the following letter, which is actually her response to her husband, she appears weak and submissive. The final letter is addressed to James Sullivan by John Adams. He clearly dismisses the whole notion of women’s representation and does not provide a clear or logical response as to why women should be denied this right.

Response/Critique:


I thoroughly enjoyed reading these short letters. I was immediately struck by the seeming independence of Abigail Adams. She began by stating clearly and concisely what she desired. However, her husband’s response upset her, next she planned her rebuttal and then did little to nothing, thus leaving history unchanged for the moment. I was not surprised by John Adams’ response based on the historical timeframe. In the final letter, John Adams writes: “Shall we say that every individual of the community, old and young, male and female, as well as rich and poor, must consent, expressly to every act of legislation? No, you will say, this is impossible” (p. 13). I found this interesting because today it is my understanding that everyone in the U.S. deserves to have their voice heard. For instance, they are not disqualified because of old age or economic status. Declaring something impossible is always easier than actually executing it and I felt like John Adams quickly denied Abigail Adams’ request without giving it any critical thought. He also provides other elusive explanations stating women’s “delicacy renders them unfit for practice and experience in the great business of life” (p. 13) and that women are clearly best suited for domesticity. These statements are not based on fact and I believe that he never really answered the question at hand: Why shouldn’t women be allowed to have the right to vote? I believe that this collection of letters was an appropriate beginning to discuss the eighteenth century and the rights of women as they have progressed throughout history. This was clearly a failure, but it began the dialogue on women’s rights within the United States.

“The Blackwell Clan,” “Elizabeth and Emily Blackwell: Medicine as a Profession for Women,” and “Antoinette Brown Blackwell: Sex and Evolution (p. 323-377)

Summary:

These three texts concern the Blackwell family that lived during the nineteenth century. Many of the members helped further women’s rights in the United States based on the following subjects: “moral reform, abolition, higher education and professional opportunities, political rights” (p. 322). The family originally had nine Blackwell children and later three women married into the family. This first text, “The Blackwell Clan” focuses on the fact that five of the Blackwell women never married. The author presents various perspectives to explain possible emotional problems that led the women into career centered lives. The women made it clear that marriage was not the ultimate satisfaction that they searched for in their lives. However, the Blackwell family was very close-knit and perhaps it was here that the women found the intimacy and friendship necessary to sustain themselves. The men in the family are mentioned, but not as important figures in history. Nevertheless, they introduced Lucy Stone and Antoinette Brown into the Blackwell family. Both women felt strongly about women’s rights, particularly in the domain of academia.
“Elizabeth and Emily Blackwell: Medicine as a Profession for Women” focuses on the need for women to study medicine. Elizabeth and Emily Blackwell can be considered authorities on the subject because they were the first two women to practice medicine with an American medical degree in the United States. They argue that women are invaluable in the field of medicine because there are some medical conditions that only women could relate to or feel comfortable sharing with another woman. They also explain that medicine can be applied to every day life, they state: “Yet the medical profession is at present too far removed from the life of women; they regard these subjects from such a different stand-point that they can not supply the want” (p. 349-350). This suggests that the female perspective was also lacking in medicine. They also propose that women should be teaching medicine. Elizabeth and Emily Blackwell conclude this section by suggesting that women should not be limited to medicine. Women should accordingly be part of all different domains because “For what is done or learned by one class of women becomes, by virtue of their common womanhood, the property of all women” (p. 355). Basically, they are suggesting that by taking varied interests in life and careers, all women will benefit in the end because the next generation can have limitless possibilities.
In the final reading, “Antoinette Brown Blackwell: Sex and Evolution,” the author examines the theory of evolution as presented by Darwin and Spencer. Antoinette Brown Blackwell was the first woman to become an ordained minister in the United States. However, this article is written in a very calculated, scientific style. She disproves points made by Darwin and Spencer with logic and additional facts. She begins her discussion by saying, “Any positive thinker is compelled to see everything in the light of his own convictions” (p.357). Here she is suggesting that Darwin and Spencer are operating from the standpoint of male superiority. Therefore, they had not considered the points she made because they were inclined to find evidence solely in support of their own thinking. She continues her scientific analysis throughout the text. In spite of this, her conclusion returns to the idea of men and women in contemporary society and the institution of marriage. She states: “If Evolution, as applied to sex, teaches any one lesson plainer than another, it is the lesson that the monogamic marriage is the basis of all progress” (p. 376). She continues by explaining that men and women must cooperate and complement one another in order to attain further progress.

Response/Critique:

The first reading surprised me because there was a definite focus on reasons behind the lifestyle chosen by the Blackwell women. I felt like the author focused too much on what was potentially “wrong” with these women instead of presenting them as they were. I understand that mental problems could have potentially defined their personalities, but I felt that the author went too far in some respects to make the point that these women did not choose to be single, there was something inherently wrong with them that then made them choose to be single. I would have preferred to read more about their work and what they did to further women’s rights than speculate as to why they chose not to marry.
The last two readings were interesting because it seemed that Elizabeth and Emily Blackwell traded places with Antoinette Brown Blackwell. Elizabeth and Emily Blackwell discussed the rights of women to pursue a career and made connections specifically to women and medicine. Conversely, Antoinette Brown Blackwell became the first ordained woman minister and she chose to discuss the theory of evolution. If I had to guess before reading, I would have felt that Elizabeth and Emily Blackwell wrote the scientific text and Antoinette Brown Blackwell the more general text on the many capabilities of women. I found the Elizabeth and Emily Blackwell text to be progressive and empowering. Of course, they were arguing for the greater presence of women in medicine, but they did not limit themselves strictly to this field. There was a greater sense that women should strive for more collectively and contribute to the “property of all women” (p. 355). The Antoinette Brown Blackwell text seemed to strictly present the theory of evolution, with the main purpose being to contradict Darwin and Spencer. I preferred the text entitled: “Elizabeth and Emily Blackwell: Medicine as a Profession for Women.” The first text presented many negative aspects about the Blackwell women’s personal lives and the last text read like a scientific article. I felt like this second text by Elizabeth and Emily Blackwell said the most about women being capable of more. I also really enjoyed the positive representation of women and the idea of promoting women to succeed. I feel like this is still important today, but since this was written in the nineteenth century I believe it was very progressive at the time and I enjoyed thinking about the historical mindset when this text was originally published.